229 resultados para Conflict, Armed (War)
em Brock University, Canada
Resumo:
Full title is "A Full and Correct Account of the Chief Naval Occurrences of the Late War Between Great Britain and the United States of America; preceded by a Cursory Examination of the American Accounts of their Naval Actions Fought Previous to that Period: to Which is Added an Appendix; with Plates" This is an expanded version of author William James' pamphlet "An Inquiry into the Merits of the Principal Naval Actions between Great Britain and the United States." (Halifax, Nova Scotia, 1816) In this work he discussed how American ships, during the War of 1812, were larger and more heavily armed and manned than those of the British. He therefore, stated that American victories were due only to their greater numerical force and not their superior seamanship. Naval Occurrences is a thorough documentation of the naval operations from the British perspective that addresses contradictions and inconsistencies within the American official documents as well as political and media accounts. This is perhaps his motivation for the words "Corrected Account" within the title. James' sentiments towards the US most likely sprouted from being held prisoner while visiting in 1812. (He was falsely accused of being a renegade seeking revenge on the US.) In 1813, he escaped to Halifax where he began writing on various naval topics. James became one of the leading authorities on British Naval History.
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There has been and will continue to be substantial debate over how the international system can best be characterized. The objective of this paper is to demonstrate that the international system can best be characterized by the essential features of realism, but the use of realist policy prescriptions are inadequate when applied independently to deal with the threat of terrorism as it exists today. In order to demonstrate this an examination of realism in the international system, U.S. foreign policy, and case analysis of Afghanistan and Iraq will be undertaken to demonstrate that although realist policy prescriptions do have a role in dealing with modem transnational security threats, these prescriptions on their own are inadequate when dealing with terrorism.
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This study examined whether daily classroom meetings resulted in the positive transfer of conflict resolution information and skills beyond the formal classroom setting and into the classroom. A control group of sixteen Grade five students received three weeks of conflict resolution training and an experimental group of nineteen Grade five students fi-om the same school received three weeks of conflict resolution training followed by three additional weeks of class meetings. Pretest measures were taken via a scaled questionnaire and short answer questions before the conflict resolution lessons began for the following skills: knowledge of conflict resolution; conflict resolution behaviour; and attitude about using conflict resolution to resolve problems with other people. Posttest measures examined conflict resolution skills following involvement in the study. Students chosen randomly and both teachers were interviewed following the study. The teachers were again interviewed three months after the study. Teacher journal notes rounded out the data. The results of the study indicated that the Grade five boys who participated in three weeks of conflict resolution training did not increase their conflict resolution skills in any of the areas examined. Girls who participated in three weeks of conflict resolution training did not improve in two areas (i.e., behaviour, knowledge) and became less positive about using verbal mediation to resolve conflicts. The Grade five students who participated in three weeks of training and three weeks of class meetings obtained different results. The boys improved significantly in their ability to use verbal mediation to resolve conflicts and were more positive about verbal mediation. They did not become more knowledgeable about verbal mediation. The girls who participated in three weeks of training and three weeks of class meetings were more knowledgeable of conflict resolution and used conflict resolution to solve problems with other people. However, they were significantly less positive about using these skills to resolve problems.
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This study was an investigation of individual and organizational factors, as perceived by front-line vocational service workers from Adult Rehabilitation Centres (ARC Industries) for mentally retarded adults. The specific variables which were measured included role conflict/role ambiguity (role factors), internal/external locus of control (individual differences), job satisfaction with work and supervision (job attitudes) and participation in deci~ion making (organizational factor). The exploration of these constructs was conducted by means of self-report questionnaires which were completed by sixty-nine out of a total of ninety front-line employees. The surveys were distributed in booklet form to nine distinct rehabilitation facilities from St. Catharines, West Lincoln, Greater Niagara, Port Colborne, WeIland, Fort Erie, Hamilton, Guelph and Brantford. The survey data was evaluated by the statisti.cal Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) which used the Pearson Product Moment Correlation procedure and a compar~son of means test. A comparison of correlation coefficients test was also conducted. This statistical procedure was calculated mathematically. The results obtained from the statistical evaluation confirmed the prediction that self-reported measures of participation in decision making and satisfaction (work and supervision) would be negatively correlated with role conflict and role ambiguity. As well, the speculation that perceived satisfaction (work and supervision) would be positively correlated with participation in decision making was empirically supported. Internal and external locus of control did not contribute to a significant difference in r~sponses to role perceptions (conflict and ambiguity) , satisfaction (work and supervision) or the correlational relationship between participation in decision making and satisfaction (work and supervision). Overall, the findings from this study substantiated the importance of examining employee perceptions in the workplace and the interrelationships among individual and organizational variables. This research was considered a contribution to the general area of occupational stress and to the study of individuals in work organizations.
Resumo:
Patterns of intra-clutch egg size variation and intra-clutch hatch intervals in the Ring-billed gull (Larus delawarensis) were documented during the peak nesting period of two consecutive breeding seasons, at a colony near Port Colborne, Ontario. Egg size decreased with laying order; third laid eggs were significantly smaller than first laid eggs. Hatching of the third egg was delayed from that of first and second eggs. Intraclutch egg size differences established initial size disparities among chicks at hatch. Hatch intervals further exaggerated size disparities during the early post brood completion period. Competitive asymmetries among chicks were associated with increased mortality rates among third hatched chicks despite the lack of evidence of a sibling feeding hierarchy. Fledging success in 1987 was greater than in 1988. A "brood reduction strategy" appears to have enabled parents in 1987, to obtain an extra unit of reproductive fitness, while in 1988 parents were often unable to raise the entire brood and third chicks likely represented insurance reproductive value. Experimental broods (1988) were created in which hatch intervals were double those of natural intervals. The size disparities among chicks were significantly greater than in control broods, and the pattern of mortality among chicks suggested that first chicks benefited at a cost to second and third chicks. Parents of peak experimental broods achieved a fledging success rate similar to that of control broods. Characteristics of chick adoptions were also recorded. In each study year, 9 chicks abandoned their natal territories, 6 of which were adopted. Chicks consistently established themselves into broods where they were older than resident chicks. No direct evidence of cost to foster parents, or benefits to adopted chicks was obtained, although fledging success of adopted chicks was high.
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The thesis assesses the impact of international factors on relations between Greek and Turkish Cypriots during and after the Cold War. Through an analysis of the Cyprus problem it explores both why external actors intervene in communal conflicts and how they influence relations between ethnic groups in plural societies. The analytical framework employed throughout the study draws on contributions of International Relations theorists and students of ethnic conflict. The thesis argues that, as in the global political system, relations between ethnic groups in unranked communal systems are anarchic; that is, actors within the system do not recognize a sovereign political authority. In bipolar communal systems dominated by two relatively equal groups, the struggle for security and power often leads to appeals for assistance from external actors. The framework notes that neighboring states and Great Powers may heed calls for assistance, or intervene without a prior request, if it is in their interest to do so. The convergence of regional and global interests in communal affairs exacerbates ethnic conflicts and precludes the development of effective political institutions. The impact of external intervention in ethnic conflicts has the potential to alter the basis of communal relations. The Cyprus problem is examined both during and after the Cold War in order to gauge how global and regional actors and the structure of their respective systems have affected relations between ethnic groups in Cyprus. The thesis argues that Cyprus's descent into civil war in 1963 was due in part to the entrenchment of external interests in the Republic's constitution. The study also notes that power politics involving the United States, Soviet Union, Greece and Turkey continued to affect the development of communal relations throughout the 1960s, 70s, and, 80s. External intervention culminated in July and August 1974, after a Greek sponsored coup was answered by Turkey's invasion and partition of Cyprus. The forced expulsion of Greek Cypriots from the island's northern territories led to the establishment of ethnically homogeneous zones, thus altering the context of communal relations dramatically. The study also examines the role of the United Nations in Cyprus, noting that its failure to settle the dispute was due in large part to a lack of cooperation from Turkey, and the United States' and Soviet Union's acceptance of the status quo following the 1974 invasion and partition of the island. The thesis argues that the deterioration of Greek-Turkish relations in the post-Cold War era has made a solution to the dispute unlikely for the time being. Barring any dramatic changes in relations between communal and regional antagonists, relations between Greek and Turkish Cypriots will continue to develop along the lines established in July/August 1974. The thesis concludes by affirming the validity of its core hypotheses through a brief survey of recent works touching on international politics and ethnic conflict. Questions requiring further research are noted as are elements of the study that require further refinement.
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The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.
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Failed and fragile states that result from intrastate war pose severe threats to the security of both the international system and individual states alike. In the post-Cold War era, the international community has come to recognize the reality of these threats and the difficulty involved in ending violence and building sustainable peace in failed and fragile states. This work focuses upon the development of a comprehensive strategy for sustainable peace-building by incorporating the tenets of the human security doctrine into the peace-building process. Through the use of case studies of The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and East Timor, the development and refinement of the doctrine of human security will occur, as well as, an understanding of how and where human security fits into the sustainable peace-building equation. The end result of the analysis is the development of a hierarchical pyramid formation that brings together human security and peace-building into one framework that ultimately creates the foundation and structure of sustainable peace-building. With the development of a sustainable peace-building structure based upon the human security doctrine, the role of Canada in the support of sustainable peace-building is analyzed in relation to the form and level of involvement that Canada undertakes and contributes to in the implementation and support of sustainable peace-building initiatives. Following from this, recommendations are provided regarding what role(s) Canada should undertake in the sustainable peace-building process that take into consideration the present and likely future capabilities of Canada to be involved in various aspects of the peace-building process. ii This paper outlines the need for a peace-building strategy that is designed to be sustainable in order that failed and fragile states resulting from intrastate conflict do not regress or collapse back into a condition of civil war, and subsequently designs such a strategy. The linking of peace-building and human security creates the required framework from which sustainable peace-building is derived. Creating sustainable peace is necessary in order to increase the likelihood that both present and future generations existing in failed and fragile states will be spared from the scourge of intrastate war.
Resumo:
Failed and fragile states that result from intrastate war pose severe threats to the security of both the international system and individual states alike. In the post-Cold War era, the international community has come to recognize the reality of these threats and the difficulty involved in ending violence and building sustainable peace in failed and fragile states. This work focuses upon the development of a comprehensive strategy for sustainable peace-building by incorporating the tenets of the human security doctrine into the peace-building process. Through the use of case studies of The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and East Timor, the development and refinement of the doctrine of human security will occur, as well as, an understanding of how and where human security fits into the sustainable peace-building equation. The end result of the analysis is the development of a hierarchical pyramid formation that brings together human security and peace-building into one framework that ultimately creates the foundation and structure of sustainable peace-building. With the development of a sustainable peace-building structure based upon the human security doctrine, the role of Canada in the support of sustainable peace-building is analyzed in relation to the form and level of involvement that Canada undertakes and contributes to in the implementation and support of sustainable peace-building initiatives. Following from this, recommendations are provided regarding what role(s) Canada should undertake in the sustainable peace-building process that take into consideration the present and likely future capabilities of Canada to be involved in various aspects of the peace-building process. ii This paper outlines the need for a peace-building strategy that is designed to be sustainable in order that failed and fragile states resulting from intrastate conflict do not regress or collapse back into a condition of civil war, and subsequently designs such a strategy. The linking of peace-building and human security creates the required framework from which sustainable peace-building is derived. Creating sustainable peace is necessary in order to increase the likelihood that both present and future generations existing in failed and fragile states will be spared from the scourge of intrastate war.
Resumo:
Signed by George Sullivan and thirty-three other Federalist members.
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Caption title.
Resumo:
Claim relating to the War of 1812.