4 resultados para Comparative terms

em Brock University, Canada


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We study the phonon dispersion, cohesive and thermal properties of raxe gas solids Ne, Ar, Kr, and Xe, using a variety of potentials obtained from different approaches; such as, fitting to crystal properties, purely ab initio calculations for molecules and dimers or ab initio calculations for solid crystalline phase, a combination of ab initio calculations and fitting to either gas phase data or sohd state properties. We explore whether potentials derived with a certain approaxih have any obvious benefit over the others in reproducing the solid state properties. In particular, we study phonon dispersion, isothermal ajid adiabatic bulk moduli, thermal expansion, and elastic (shear) constants as a function of temperatiue. Anharmonic effects on thermal expansion, specific heat, and bulk moduli have been studied using A^ perturbation theory in the high temperature limit using the neaxest-neighbor central force (nncf) model as developed by Shukla and MacDonald [4]. In our study, we find that potentials based on fitting to the crystal properties have some advantage, particularly for Kr and Xe, in terms of reproducing the thermodynamic properties over an extended range of temperatiures, but agreement with the phonon frequencies with the measured values is not guaranteed. For the lighter element Ne, the LJ potential which is based on fitting to the gas phase data produces best results for the thermodynamic properties; however, the Eggenberger potential for Ne, where the potential is based on combining ab initio quantum chemical calculations and molecular dynamics simulations, produces results that have better agreement with the measured dispersion, and elastic (shear) values. For At, the Morse-type potential, which is based on M0ller-Plesset perturbation theory to fourth order (MP4) ab initio calculations, yields the best results for the thermodynamic properties, elastic (shear) constants, and the phonon dispersion curves.

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In this study, methods of media literacy instruction including analytic activities, production activities, and a combination of analytic and production activities were compared to determine their influence on grade 8 students' knowledge, attitudes, and behaviours towards commercials. The findings showed that media literacy instruction does improve media literacy skills. Specifically, activities that included an analytic component or an analytic and production component were significantly better than activities that included a production component. Participants that completed analytic or analytic and production activities were able to discern media-related terms, target audience, selling techniques, social values, and stereotypes in commercials better than participants that completed only production activities. The research findings also showed obstacles when teaching media literacy. When engaged in analytic activities, the difficulties included locating suitable resources, addressing the competition from commercials, encouraging written reflection, recognizing social values, and discussing racial stereotypes. When engaged in production activities, the difficulties were positioning recording stations, managing group work, organizing ideas, filming the footage, computer issues, and scheduling time. Strategies to overcome these obstacles are described.

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This thesis compares the foreign economic poUcy dimension of the development strategies adopted by the governments of two Commonwealth caribbean countries: The Hardey government In Jamaica, and the· Williams government in Trlnidad and T ooago, The foreign economic policIes adopted by these governments appeared, on the surface~ to be markedly dissimilar. The Jamakan strategv on the one hand, emphasised self-reliance and national autonomy; and featured the espousal of radical oonaHgnment together with attempts to re-deftne the terms of the Islands externaa economIc relaUoos. The Trinidadian strategy 00 the other hand, featured Uberal externaUy-oriented growth poUctes, and close relatjoos with Western governments and financial institutions. Th1s study attempts to identify the explanatory factors that account for the apparent dlssimUarUy 1n the foreign economic policies of these two govemnents. The study is based on a comparison of how the structural bases of an underdeveloped ecooomYg and the foreign penetration and vulnerabUUy to external pressures asSOCiated wUh dependence, shape and influence foreign economic poUcy strategy. The framework views fore1gn ecooom1c strategy as an adaptive response on the part of the decision makers of a state to the coostralnts and opportunities provided by a particular situation. The · situat i 00' in this case being the events, conditions, structures and processes, associated wUh dependente and underdevelopment. The results indicate that the similarities and dissimHarities in the foreign economic policies of the governments of Jamaica and Trinidad were a reflecUon of the simHarities and dissimilarities in their respective situations. The conclusion derived suggests that If the foreign pol1cy field as an arena of choice, Is indeed one of opportunities and constraints for each and every state, then poHcy makers of smaU, weak, hlghW penetrated and vulnerable states enter thlS arena with constraints outweighing opportunities. This places effective limits 00 their decisional latitude and the range of policy options avaUable. Policy makers thus have to decide critical issues with few estabUshed precedents, in the face of domestic social and political cleavages, as wen as serious foreign pressures. This is a reflection not only of the trappings of dependence, but also of the Umned capabilities arising from the sman size of the state, and the Impact of the resource-gap In an underdeveloped economy. The Trinidadian strategy 1s UlustraUve of a development strategy made viable through a combination of a fortuitous circumstance, a confluence of the interests of influential groups» and accurate perception on the part of poUcy makers. These factors enabled policy makers to minimise some of the constraints of dependence. The faUure of Manlets strategy on the other hand, 15 iHustraUve of the problems involved tn the adoption of poUcles that work against the interest of internal and external political and economic forces. It is also tUustraUve of the consequences of the faUure 00 the part of policy makers to clarify goals, and to reconcile the values of rapid economic growth with increased self-reliance and national autonomy. These values tend to be mutuany Incompatible given the existing patterns of relations in the jnternational economy.

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and the Australian Country Party since 1918. 2. The thesis examines the proposition that the role of a minor party is determined, not by its total strength expressed as a percentage of the national vote, but by how its strength is concentrated. Australia and Britain were chosen for the comparison because of the many similarities in political culture and in the extent of class voting. Each country has a party - the Country Party in Australia and the Liberal Party in Britain - which has had a distinct impact on the political scene in their respective countries. In the period from 1918 to the present day neither party, at the national level, has ever held the largest number of seats in parliament let alone a majority of seats, and it is in this sense that they are herein defined as minor parties. In the thesis the constitutional background of and differences between Australia and Britain are reviewed, followed by a brief historical picture of each of the two parties being studied. The sources of supporc of the two parties are analysed and it is here that real differences emerge. The Country Party in Australia is a deliberately sectional party with a narrow rural base, whereas the British Liberal Party is more broadly based than either the Labour or Conservative Parties in Britain. 3. Party leadership and organisation are then discussed. Both parties have had outstanding leaders, Earle Page and McEwen for the Country Party; Asquith, Lloyd George and Grimond for the Liberal Party. Both parties have had relatively fewer leaders than their major party opponents. However, whereas the Country Party has been free of serious splits the Liberal Party was shattered on the leadership struggles of Asquith and Lloyd George. Both parties have been identified with decentralisation of state power, the Country Party through its support, albeit sometimes lukewarm of the New States Movement; the Liberal Party through its espousal of a federal system for Britain with separate Welsh, Scottish and regional assemblies. Unfortunately for the British Liberal Party the beneficiaries of their policies in this area have been relatively new nationalist parties in both Wales arid Scotland. The major part of the thesis is devoted to a study of how the electoral systems in the two countries have, in practice, worked to the advantage or disadvantage of the Country Party and the British Liberal Party. The Country Party has been as consistently over-represented in the House of Representatives as the Liberal Party has been under-represented in the British House of Commons. With the even distribution of its support the introduction of the single transferable vote, in itself, would bring little benefit to the British Liberal Party in terms of seats. Multimember urban constituencies combined with some type of list system are the only way the Liberals are likely to obtain House of Commons seats in proportion to their votes. 4. Finally, the relations of the two minor parties with their respective major parties are considered. In the conclusion the future of the two parties is reviewed. In general terms it appears that the Country Party is faced with a slow decline. Although the British Liberal Party made a major breakthrough, in terms of votes, in the February 1974 election, they were unable to maintain this momentum in the October election, even though they lost very little ground. In the long term they must make an inroad into Labour held seats if they are to progress further.