16 resultados para Chippawa -- History
em Brock University, Canada
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Gilbert McMicken emigrated to Upper Canada in 1832 and settled in Chippawa. In 1835 he was married to Ann Theresa Duff. In 1837 the family moved to Queenston where he was directly involved in the Kingston-Queenston trade endeavours begun by Robert Hamilton. He had a variety of interests, including a partnership with James Hamilton, son of Robert Hamilton. He was also a collector of customs in Queenston and operated the Niagara Suspension Bridge Bank for a time. He entered politics and represented Niagara as well as becoming mayor of Clifton, now part of Niagara Falls, Ont., in 1856. McMicken went on to have an illustrious career, serving as land agent and leader of Canada’s first undercover agency. McMicken moved to Manitoba and was active in business and politics. He died in Winnipeg in 1891. Source: Dictionary of Canadian Biography – Gilbert McMicken website (March 22, 2010)
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The album includes an illustration of a dog howling, by one of Eliza's friends. There is also a painting of roses. There is a poem signed Denison, that reads:" In truth it is not every book That's suited to the mind; In some forever you may look and no amusement find. But seldom does an album fail To please both grave and gay; It teams with many a merry tale and many a mournful day. Then reader know, whoever thou be Wise, witty, gay or sad; It's like the world in some degree Made up of good and bad". Another poem of eight verses is signed A. McNab. A poem and illustration are included by George Coventry. The illustration shows a man (presumed to be Coventry) looking at a book while others fish and work. Another poem initialed W.A.R. is thought to be by William Anthony Rooth, it is called "To Caroline". Also included in the album is a note from a Major who stayed at Eliza's home Christmas Day 1837. The note thanks Eliza for caring for him while he was ill at her home. A poem by Eliza's brother-in-law, Oliver T. Macklem is also included in the album. An illustration of two birds by Benjamin, Eliza's son, he was ten years old at the time. There is a poem written by L. D. Raymond with an attached newspaper clipping from Welland. The clipping is from L. D. Raymond's 79th birthday and is also a poem, "To the Old Barrister". There is a page of soldier autographs from 1866, those who fought in the Battle of Ridgeway during the Fenian Raid. (http://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Space:Ann_Eliza_Hepburne_Rooth%27s_1837_Album)
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On leaf preceding the t.p.: Battles of Chippawa and Lundy's Lane, by Charles Anderson, guide to the battle ground. On box: Chippawa and Lundy's Lane. Printed by John Simpson
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Large carpenter bees (Hymenoptera: Apidae: Xylocopa) have traditionally been thought of as exhibiting solitary or occasionally communal colony social organization. However, studies have demonstrated more complex fonns of social behaviour in this genus. In this document, I examine elements ofbehaviour and life history in a North American species at the northern extreme of its range. Xylocopa virginica was found to be socially polymorphic with both solitary and meta-social or semi-social nests in the same population. In social nests, there is no apparent benefit from additional females which do not perfonn significant work or guarding. I found that the timing of life-history events varies between years, yet foraging effort only differed in the coldest and wettest year of2004 the study. Finally, I that male X virginica exhibit female defence polygyny, with resident and satellite males. Resident males maintain their territories through greater aggression relative to satellites.
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This investigation comprises three parts: (1) the source, mechanism of transport, and distribution of pollen, spores and other palynomorphs in Georgian Bay bottom sediments and a comparison of these data with the contemporary vegetation, (2) the relative significance of fluvial transportation of pollen and spores, and (3) the late- and postglacial history of vegetational and climatic changes in the Georgicin Bay region. Modem pollen and spore assemblages in Georgian Bay do reflect the surrovinding vegetation when preservation and pollen production by the different species are considered and accounted for. Relative pollen percentage and concentration isopoll patterns indicate that rivers contribute large quantities of pollen and spores to Georgian Bay. This is further substantiated by large amounts of pollen and spores which were caught in traps in the Moon, Muskoka, and Nottawasaga Rivers which flow into Georgian Bay. The majority of pollen and spores caught in these traps were washed into the rivers by surface water runoff and so reflect the vegetation of the watershed in a regional sense. In a 12.9 metre long sediment core from northeastern Georgian Bay the relative percentage and absolute pollen concentrations allow correlation of Georgian Bay Lake phases with climatic and forest history. Four distinct pollen zones are distinguished: zone GB IV which is the oldest, reflects the succession from open spruce woodland to boreal forest; zone GB III represents a period of pine-mixed hardwoods forests from about 10,000 to 7,500 years ago. A pine-maplehemlock association dominated in zone GB II, although during the culmination of postglacial warming about 4,000 to 5,000 years ago the Georgian Bay forests had a more deciduous character. Zone GB I clearly shows European man's disturbance of the forest by logging activities.
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Geochemical examination of the rock matrix and cements from core material extracted from four oil wells within southwestern Ontario suggest various stages of diagenetic alteration and preservation of the Trenton Group carbonates. The geochemical compositions of Middle Ordovician (LMC) brachiopods reflect the physicochemical water conditions of the ambient depositional environment. The sediments appear to have been altered in the presence of mixed waters during burial in a relatively open diagenetic microenvironment. Conodont CAl determination suggests that the maturation levels of the Trenton Group carbonates are low and proceeded at temperatures of about 30 - 50°C within the shallow burial environment. The Trenton Group carbonates are characterized by two distinct stages of dolomitization which proceeded at elevated temperatures. Preexisting fracture patterns, and block faulting controlled the initial dolomitization of the precursor carbonate matrix. Dolomitization progressed In the presence of warm fluids (60 75°C) with physicochemical conditions characteristic of a progressively depleted basinal water. The matrix is mostly Idiotopic-S and Idiotopic-E dolomite, with Xenotopic-A dolomite dominating the matrix where fractures occur. The second stage of dolomitization involved hydrothermal basinal fluid(s) with temperatures of about 60 - 70°C. These are the postulated source for the saddle dolomite and blocky calcite cements occurring in pore space and fractures. Rock porosity was partly occluded by Idiotopic-E type dolomite. Late stage saddle dolomite, calcite, anhydrite, pyrite, marcasite and minor sphalerite and celestite cements effectively fill any remaining porosity within specific horizons. Based on cathode luminescence, precipitation of the different diagenetic phases probably proceeded in open diagenetic systems from chemically homogeneous fluids. Ultraviolet fluorescence of 11 the matrix and cements demonstrated that hydrocarbons were present during the earliest formation of saddle dolomite. Oxygen isotope values of -7.6 to -8.5 %0 (PDB), and carbon isotope values of - 0.5 and -3.0 %0 (PDB) from the latest stage dog-tooth calcite cement suggest that meteoric water was introduced into the system during their formation. This is estimated to have occurred at temperatures of about 25 - 40°C. Specific facies associations within the Trenton Group carbonates exhibit good hydrocarbon generating potential based on organic carbon preservation (1-3.5%). Thermal maturation and Lopatin burial-history evaluations suggest that hydrocarbons were generated within the Trenton Group carbonates some time after 300 Ma . Progressively depleted vanadium trends measured from hydrocarbon samples within southwestern Ontario suggests its potential use as a hydrocarbon migration indicator on local (within an oilfield) and on regional scales.
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This study has three purposes: to establish a chronologically controlled vegetational history for a number of sites in south Southwestern Ontario; to utilize the resulting data to support and/or add to the current understanding of Quaternary geology and stratigraphy, and the glacial and postglacial history of the Great Lakes in south Southwestern Ontario; and to attempt to propose a possible explanation for the extinction of the mastodon in Southern Ontario. Palynological and geochronological analyses were conducted on material collected from eleven sites (east to west): Verbeke Mastodon Site, Woloshko Mastodon Site, Walker Pond II, Pond Mills I, Lake Hunger Bog, Bouckaert Site. Mabee Site, Cornell Bog. Colles Lake I, Folden Mastodon Site and Forest Pond. Individual geochronologically controlled (where possible) vegetational histories were reconstructed for each of the sites investigated. The results of the individual studies, when considered in overview. indicated the existance of an established closed boreal forest throughout south Southwestern Ontario by 10,000 years B.P. This evidence for a significant climatic change coincident throughout south Southwestern Ontario supports the proposed age of 10,000 years B.P. for the Pleistocene/Holocene Boundary (Terasmae, 1972). Remnant patches of 'open spruce parkland' persisted in small local 'wet' areas. It was in these areas that the mastodon was restricted during early Holocene time. With continued encroachment by the surrounding boreal forest, possibly speeded up by this browser's destructive feeding habits, the spruce enclaves shrank and the mastodon became extinct in south Southwestern Ontario. The results of this thesis basically support Dreimanis' (1967, 1968) proposed 'Environmental-Climatic' theory for mastodon extinction. It is suggested that increased dryness during the present interglacial compared to the climate of earlier interglacials may be the key to unravelling the problem of mastodon extinction in eastern North America.
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Cover title.
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On leaf preceding the t.p.: Battles of Chippawa and Lundy's Lane, by Charles Anderson, guide to the battle ground.
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Abstract This thesis works towards a new reading ofVelleius Paterculus' survey of Roman history, published in AD 29 or 30. Modem scholarship has tended to condemn Velleius as historian and stylist. Though opinions have started to change in the last few decades, even the most recent works generally treat him as a passive and perhaps unconscious conveyor of Roman cultural ideals and Augustan ideology. This thesis argues that the historian is, in fact, manipulating these themes to make definite political points. It focuses on the negativity of the history's conclusion as it stands in stark contrast to the preceding narrative celebrating the principates of Augustus and Tiberius. The thesis tentatively concludes that Velleius was trying to express concern over Rome's future, and specifically to influence Tiberius to return to Rome from his retreat on the island of Capri and curb the power of his "assistant," Sejanus.
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Hugh Alexander, b. 1780 arrived in Niagara shortly after his birth. He attended school and later apprenticed as a clerk. In 1797 he was granted 200 acres of land in Bertie township and became a merchant and trader in Fort Erie. He was the owner of a sailing vessel, the Chippawa, which he used to transport goods in the area. The ship was lost and/or confiscated as a result of War of 1812 skirmishes on Lake Erie. By 1812 Hugh Alexander was in business together with his brother Ephraim. The Alexander’s storehouse, store and house were burned by the British military when they abandoned Fort Erie ahead of the invading American military in late May 1813. At the time of the burning, Hugh Alexander was engaged as a Lieutenant with the 3rd Lincoln Militia. Prior to this Hugh Alexander had established a second mercantile in Stamford, opposite the green. Misfortune was to strike at this location as well when the British military abandoned the whole of the Niagara area to the invading American forces and the Stamford location was looted. After the end of the hostilities Alexander went on to rebuild his storehouse in Fort Erie and to re-establish his store in Stamford. Hugh Alexander died on November 2, 1817 and is buried in the Stamford Presbyterian Cemetery. Source: George A. Seibel, The Niagara Portage Road: 200 Years 1790-1990. Niagara Falls: City of Niagara Falls, 1990, p. 259-262.
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Transcript (original grammar and spelling retained): My dear wife I take this time to inform you that I am well hoping that these few lines will Reach you and find you the same I shall in form you of all our Battles that we have had sence I left home we crossed in to Canada the 2 day of July and took fort Erie on the 3 day of July without loss of one man. We then marched down to Chipway eighteen miles below the Fort Erie we got there on the forth day and had our first battle on the 5 day our loss was not jistly known But the inemy loss was double to ours. The 6 day we started with the 2 Brigade to make a bridge a crost the crick two miles a bove the fort in Building the Bridge the inemy Brought up their Canon and playd upon us with their artiliery a bout two hours We drove them from the fort our loss was none the inemy loss was nineteen ciled dead on the ground we then marched to Queenston when we got thare our inemy had fledfrom the fort we then remained thair to Queenston ten days then we marched down to Fort George But that caurdly Chaney did not a rive with the fleet so we had to return back to Queenston thare was a bout six hundred militia formed on the heights of land thay fired up on us from their pickets and retreated to the mane body our flankers ciled and wounded and took about twenty before they got to the Maine body we then marched up the hill they gave us two firs but did not damage and then retreated from the field we stayed there one knight and then marched to Chipway and stayed there one night and the next day just as the sun set the first Brigade marched up in order to give them Battle a bout two miles from the Crick and began the Battle the 2 Brigade has to March up to the Niagara path and ingaged them we charged up on their artlery and took all their Canon Miller commanded the four companys that charged....the battles lasted three hours and forty minutes our loss was about 8 hundred cild and wounded our inemies loss was a bout fourteen hundred cild and wounded the next morning we Marched up in order to give them Battle a gin but thay was afraid to ingage us we then marched to Fort Erie and went to fortiffing and made a strong place the inemy folered us up and Began to cananade and held it fifty three days thay a tacked the fort the fifteenth of august thay atacked a bout one hiour be fore day Light we saw them and Blue up our maggerzean & two hundred of our inemy our loss wasa bout forty cild and wounded and our inemy loss was a bout one thousand on the 7 Day of September we atacked them and took their batteries and Broke all their canon and drove them from the field our loss was a Bout two hundred cild and wounded our inemy loss was a Bout 8 hundred cild and wounded...we crossed in to Canada with five thousand and came out with fifteen hundred we then Marched to Sackett’s harbor....am well and harty for the present....a bout comming home it uncarting for there is not any....given this winter as yet But I shall try to Come home if I Can But if I Cant I want you should take good car of the Phiddness[?] I have not Received any Money as yet But soon as I do receive some I send some home. I want you should write to me as soon as you receive this and and how Much Stock you wintor I Received your Letter with Great pleasure I feel uneasy a bout you I am a frade that you are sick or dead this is from your husband Chase Clough