11 resultados para Baggage charges

em Brock University, Canada


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Receipt to S.D. Woodruff from Harnden Co. Stone for charges on the level, 1846.

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Printed blank from Frank Pearce and Co. regarding charges for shipping of the porcelain cask, Oct. 26, 1876.

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Introduction The question of the meaning, methods and philosophical manifestations of history is currently rife with contention. The problem that I will address in an exposition of the thought of Wilhelm Dilthey and Martin Heidegger, centers around the intersubjectivity of an historical world. Specifically, there are two interconnected issues. First, since all knowledge occurs to a person from within his or her historical age how can any person in any age make truth claims? In order to answer this concern we must understand the essence and role of history. Yet how can we come to an individual understanding ofwhat history is when the meanings that we use are themselves historically enveloped? But can we, we who are well aware of the knowledge that archaeology has dredged up from old texts or even from 'living' monuments of past ages, really neglect to notice these artifacts that exist within and enrich our world? Charges of wilful blindness would arise if any attempt were made to suggest that certain things of our world did not come down to us from the past. Thus it appears more important 2 to determine what this 'past' is and therefore how history operates than to simply derail the possibility for historical understanding. Wilhelm Dilthey, the great German historicist from the 19th century, did not question the existence of historical artifacts as from the past, but in treating knowledge as one such artifact placed the onus on knowledge to show itself as true, or meaningful, in light ofthe fact that other historical periods relied on different facts and generated different truths or meanings. The problem for him was not just determining what the role of history is, but moreover to discover how knowledge could make any claim as true knowledge. As he stated, there is a problem of "historical anarchy"!' Martin Heidegger picked up these two strands of Dilthey's thought and wanted to answer the problem of truth and meaning in order to solve the problem of historicism. This problem underscored, perhaps for the first time, that societal presuppositions about the past and present oftheir era are not immutable. Penetrating to the core of the raison d'etre of the age was an historical reflection about the past which was now conceived as separated both temporally and attitudinally from the present. But further than this, Heidegger's focus on asking the question of the meaning of Being meant that history must be ontologically explicated not merely ontically treated. Heidegger hopes to remove barriers to a genuine ontology by II 1 3 including history into an assessment ofprevious philosophical systems. He does this in order that the question of Being be more fully explicated, which necessarily for him includes the question of the Being of history. One approach to the question ofwhat history is, given the information that we get from historical knowledge, is whether such knowledge can be formalized into a science. Additionally, we can approach the question of what the essence and role of history is by revealing its underlying characteristics, that is, by focussing on historicality. Thus we will begin with an expository look at Dilthey's conception of history and historicality. We will then explore these issues first in Heidegger's Being and Time, then in the third chapter his middle and later works. Finally, we shall examine how Heidegger's conception may reflect a development in the conception of historicality over Dilthey's historicism, and what such a conception means for a contemporary historical understanding. The problem of existing in a common world which is perceived only individually has been philosophically addressed in many forms. Escaping a pure subjectivist interpretation of 'reality' has occupied Western thinkers not only in order to discover metaphysical truths, but also to provide a foundation for politics and ethics. Many thinkers accept a solipsistic view as inevitable and reject attempts at justifying truth in an intersubjective world. The problem ofhistoricality raises similar problems. We 4 -. - - - - exist in a common historical age, presumably, yet are only aware ofthe historicity of the age through our own individual thoughts. Thus the question arises, do we actually exist within a common history or do we merely individually interpret this as communal? What is the reality of history, individual or communal? Dilthey answers this question by asserting a 'reality' to the historical age thus overcoming solipsism by encasing individual human experience within the historical horizon of the age. This however does nothing to address the epistemological concern over the discoverablity of truth. Heidegger, on the other hand, rejects a metaphysical construel of history and seeks to ground history first within the ontology ofDasein, and second, within the so called "sending" of Being. Thus there can be no solipsism for Heidegger because Dasein's Being is necessarily "cohistorical", Being-with-Others, and furthermore, this historical-Being-in-the-worldwith- Others is the horizon of Being over which truth can appear. Heidegger's solution to the problem of solipsism appears to satisfy that the world is not just a subjective idealist creation and also that one need not appeal to any universal measures of truth or presumed eternal verities. Thus in elucidating Heidegger's notion of history I will also confront the issues ofDasein's Being-alongside-things as well as the Being of Dasein as Being-in-the-world so that Dasein's historicality is explicated vis-a-vis the "sending of Being" (die Schicken des S eins).

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Molecular mechanics calculations were done on tetrahedral phosphine oxide zinc complexes in simulated water, benzene and hexane phases using the DREIDING II force field in the BIOGRAF molecular modeling program. The SUN workstation computer (SUN_ 4c, with SPARK station 1 processor) was used for the calculations. Experimental structural information used in the parameterization was obtained from the September 1989 version of the Cambridge Structural Database. 2 Steric and solvation energies were calculated for complexes of the type ZnCl2 (RlO)2' The calculations were done with and without inclusion of electrostatic interactions. More reliable simulation results were obtained without inclusion of charges. In the simulated gas phase, the steric energies increase regularly with number of carbons in the alkyl group, whereas they go through a maximum when solvent shells are included in the calculation. Simulated distribution ratios vary with chain length and type of chain branching and the complexes are found to be more favourable for extraction by benzene than by hexane, in accord with experimental data. Also, in line with what would be expected for a favorable extraction, calculations without electrostatics predict that the complexes are better solvated by the organic solvents than by water.

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This study explores the perceptions and experiences of middle-class women, mostly mothers, regarding the elementary school education of their children of mixed heritage. Because it endeavours to provide a forum in which the voices of women are considered a source of valuable information for educators, this study contributes to the fields of feminist and mothering research. Participants assign meanings to their lived experiences (Schon, 1983; van Manen 1997) and contemplate the various ways in which a mixed heritage mayor may not affect a child's schooling. Four main participants were interviewed who are mothers whose children of mixed heritage presently attend public elementary schools in Ontario, Canada. The study had an emergent design, thus allowing the researcher to make decisions as the study progressed. Three additional participants were included in the study to provide a wider perspective on the topic. These 3 additional women were the researcher herself as she explored her self-conceptual baggage (Kirby & McKenna. 1989); the researcher's mother in an attempt to consider the motherline (Lowinsky, 1992); and a volunteer non-mother of mixed ethnicity. The study involved a total of 12 individual interviews of approximately 2 hours in length. The 4 main participants and the researcher were each interviewed twice; the researcher's mother and the volunteer non-mother were each interviewed once. The researcher also attempted a focus group and kept a journal throughout the research process. Much of the analysis centers on women's interpretations of the mixed heritage experience and on their suggestions for elementary school educators. It concludes pondering on the invisibility (Chiong, 1998) of such children within the school system and calling for increased teacher education as a way to bring the mixed heritage experience out of the shadows.

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George Ridout (1791-1871) was a member of the York volunteers during the War of 1812. He served as 3rd lieutenant in the grenadier company of the York militia, fought in the Battle of Queenston Heights, and was taken prisoner of war in April, 1813 when the Americans occupied York. Ridout studied law, and was admitted to the bar in Janurary 1813. He was an active member of the Law Society of Upper Canada, becoming a bencher in 1820, serving as treasurer for several years, and assisting in the development of the library. In 1828 he was appointed judge of the Niagara District Court and reappointed in 1832. In 1836, Sir Francis Bond Head, Lieutenant-Governor, charged Ridout with insult to the person and office of the Lieutenant Governor and disloyalty to the policies of the crown, and dismissed him from his offices. Ridout denied the charges and was eventually ordered to be reinstated by Lord Glenelg, the colonial secretary. Sir Francis Bond Head refused to do so, and instead chose to resign.

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Transcript (original spelling and grammar retained): Chatham 17th Sept. 1812. Sir, I have just received a letter from Cap’n Clay informing me that boats will be ready at the Communication Bridge tomorrow morning by day break to return that part of the 9th Reg’t which are to embark on board the Success[?] and Melabar Troop Ships[?]—and that they will likewise be ready to receive [?] on Saturday next at the same time, the division intended for the Diomedes [?]. I have therefore given the Regiment orders accordingly –and will give every assistance respecting the heavy baggage required for its safety, until some arrangement is made for its conveyance from here—the Barrack Master having no vacant store for the purpose. I have the honor to be Sir your obed’t Ser’t R. Lawson M. Gen’l. Ass Qr Master Gen’l Canterbury. Chatham 17 Sept. 1812. M. …Lawson. That boats will be in readiness at day break on the 18th & 19th Ins. For convy. the 9th Reg &…..[?] to Baggage of that Corps …..

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Transcription: Encampment Plattsburgh My Dear Uncle Nov. 11th 1812 We are making every possible preparation to invade Canada. I have no doubt but we march in six days. From the best information I can get it is not contemplated to attack the Isle aux Noix – We shall take into the field 2500 infantry between 3 & 4 hundred cavalry 25 light artillery & 150 artillerists; of the malitia I have no accurate knowledge there is more than 1000 of them, the number of regular troops is mentioned you may rely on as being nearly correct I cannot state to a man as I have not had an opportunity of being the consolidated returns of the different corps. It is said that a [corps formed?] of volunteers are to join us from Vermont. I think it doubtful I believe that we shall have no great difficulty in going to Montreal as to the ultimate policy of the [act it is?] not my duty to judge. Confidential our troops are raw particularly in loading and firing they are much deficient. The 6th and 15th will be able to act with some considerable ... of precision and accuracy the remaining infantry—badly disciplined. Should any thing [occur?] with me my fate be unfortunate the [little?] property willed me by my grandfather will secure you the amount I owe you. General Dearborn I understand is at Burlington on his way here. Some of the prisoners that were taken at Queenstown have [arrived?] at Montreal probably. [Ensign Rich?] is among them. Several officers here became acquainted with him soon after he received his [two illegible words] & speak highly of him. [Always?] affectionately yours J. E. A. Masters P.S. I shall write you again before we march excuse this [scrawl?] my hand are too cold to write a fair hand we shall have here near [400?] sick that are not able to march J. E. A. Masters The [Hon.?] Josiah Masters [Schaghticoke?] N.Y. N. B. Nov. 13th We have orders to be prepared to march on the 15th at 12 oclock. Our baggage will be contained as much as possible. The officers carry no baggage except what they carry in their knapsacks. I am in fine health and am able [Hand?] most any [illegible word] My love to all affectionately Your nephew J. E. A. Masters

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The National Seaman’s Association was a labour recruiter hiding behind a union-like name. It was run by H.N. McMaster who collected fees from companies and dues from workers. With McMaster in charge, shipping interests could claim that their seamen had a union, but ship-owners were free to push their vessels and their workers to the breaking point. In 1935, the members on the Great Lakes decided to strike. One year later, they created their own union and amalgamated with a Montreal-based independent body to create the Canadian Seamen’s Union headed by a ship’s cook who became a union leader, John Allan Patrick “Pat” Sullivan. By the late 1940s, almost all sailors on Canadian ships were CSU members. Right from its inception in 1936, Communists were prominent among the leaders of the union. Sullivan had been recruited to the Communist party that year and the union had a close rapport with the party. On June 8, 1940, Pat Sullivan was arrested because of his affiliation with the Communist party. He was incarcerated until March 20, 1942. No charges were laid, no bail was set and there was no trial. After his release, Sullivan was elected second vice-president of the Trades and Labour Congress of Canada. In 1943, Percy Bengough was elected as president and Sullivan was elected as secretary treasurer of the TLC while maintaining his role as president of the CSU. On March 14, 1947 Sullivan made a shocking announcement that he was resigning from the CSU and the Labor-Progressive Party. He claimed that the CSU was under the full control of the Communists. Within a month of this announcement, he emerged as the president of the Canadian Lake Seamen’s Union. Ship-owners never really reconciled themselves to having their industry unionized, and in 1946 there was a seamen’s strike in which the union won the eight-hour day. In 1949, the shipping companies had a plan to get rid of the union and were negotiating behind their back with the Seafarers International Union (SIU). In a brutal confrontation, led by Hal Banks, an American ex-convict, the SIU was able to roust the CSU and take over the bargaining rights of Canadian seamen. On July 15, 1948, Robert Lindsay, who was Sullivan’s Welland business agent said that to the best of his knowledge, Sullivan’s outfit, the CLSU, was under the control of some of the Steamship Companies. Lindsay had heard that there was a movement to get rid of Bengough of the Trades and Labour Congress as well as elements of the CSU. He also had heard that the CLSU wanted to affiliate with the American Federation of Labor. Lindsay’s allegations raised the questions: Were the ship-owners powerful enough to oust Percy Bengough because he supported the seamen? Could the CLSU get an affiliation with the American Federation of Labor? and Would the American Federation of Labor actually affiliate with a union that was siding with employers against a locked-out union?

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Copy of a report of a Committee of the Honorable and Executive Council dated May 6, 1859 approved by His Excellency the Governor General in Council. This is in regard to charges made by Joshua Manly of Port Colborne against Mr. Woodruff, the superintendent and other persons connected with the Welland Canal. The accusations have been substantiated by the committee. This is accompanied by a petition accusing Mr. Woodruff of gross corruption and jobbery [the practice of using a public office or position of trust for one's own advantage]. This was signed by a number of petitioners on July 2, 1858 (2 pages, handwritten), 1859.

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Letter to S.D. Woodruff from J.W. Harper of the Department of Public Works, Toronto. He is sending a copy of an order in Council on the subject of certain charges made by Joshua Manly of Port Colborne against Mr. Woodruff and other persons connected with the Welland Canal, May 12, 1859.