Sensitivity to differences between posed and genuine facial expressions : are children easily fooled? /

Adults and children can discriminate various emotional expressions, although there is limited research on sensitivity to the differences between posed and genuine expressions. Adults have shown implicit sensitivity to the difference between posed and genuine happy smiles in that they evaluate T-shirts paired with genuine smiles more favorably than T-shirts paired with posed smiles or neutral expressions (Peace, Miles, & Johnston, 2006). Adults also have shown some explicit sensitivity to posed versus genuine expressions; they are more likely to say that a model i?,feeling happy if the expression is genuine than posed. Nonetheless they are duped by posed expressions about 50% of the time (Miles, & Johnston, in press). There has been no published study to date in which researchers report whether children's evaluation of items varies with expression and there is little research investigating children's sensitivity to the veracity of facial expressions. In the present study the same face stimuli were used as in two previous studies (Miles & Johnston, in press; Peace et al., 2006). The first question to be addressed was whether adults and 7-year-olds have a cognitive understanding of the differences between posed and genuine happiness {scenario task). They evaluated the feelings of children who expressed gratitude for a present that they did or did not want. Results indicated that all participants had a fundamental understanding of the difference between real and posed happiness. The second question involved adults' and children's implicit sensitivity to the veracity of posed and genuine smiles. Participants rated and ranked beach balls paired with faces showing posed smiles, genuine smiles, and neutral expressions. Adults ranked.but did not rate beach balls paired with genuine smiles more favorably than beach balls paired with posed smiles. Children did not demonstrate implicit sensitivity as their ratings and rankings of beach balls did not vary with expressions; they did not even rank beach balls paired with genuine expressions higher than beach balls paired with neutral expressions. In the explicit (show/feel) task, faces were presented without the beach balls and participants were first asked whether each face was showing happy and then whether each face wasfeeling happy. There were also two matching trials that presented two faces at once; participants had to indicate which person was actuallyfeeling happy. In the show condition both adults and 7-year-olds were very accurate on genuine and neutral expressions but made some errors on posed smiles. Adults were fooled about 50% of the time by posed smiles in thefeel condition (i.e., they were likely to say that a model posing happy was really feeling happy) and children were even less accurate, although they showed weak sensitivity to posed versus genuine expressions. Future research should test an older age group of children to determine when explicit sensitivity to posed versus genuine facial expressions becomes adult-like and modify the ranking task to explore the influence of facial expressions on object evaluations.

An Investigation of the Role of Attention in the Cross-Race Effect: An Ecological Approach

The current set of studies was conducted to examine the cross-race effect (CRE), a phenomenon commonly found in the face perception literature. The CRE is evident when participants display better own-race face recognition accuracy than other-race recognition accuracy (e.g. Ackerman et al., 2006). Typically the cross-race effect is attributed to perceptual expertise, (i.e., other-race faces are processed less holistically; Michel, Rossion, Han, Chung & Caldara, 2006), and the social cognitive model (i.e., other-race faces are processed at the categorical level by virtue of being an out-group member; Hugenberg, Young, Bernstein, & Sacco, 2010). These effects may be mediated by differential attention. I investigated whether other-race faces are disregarded and, consequently, not remembered as accurately as own-race (in-group) faces. In Experiment 1, I examined how the magnitude of the CRE differed when participants learned individual faces sequentially versus when they learned multiple faces simultaneously in arrays comprising faces and objects. I also examined how the CRE differed when participants recognized individual faces presented sequentially versus in arrays of eight faces. Participants’ recognition accuracy was better for own-race faces than other-race faces regardless of familiarization method. However, the difference between own- and other-race accuracy was larger when faces were familiarized sequentially in comparison to familiarization with arrays. Participants’ response patterns during testing differed depending on the combination of familiarization and testing method. Participants had more false alarms for other-race faces than own-race faces if they learned faces sequentially (regardless of testing strategy); if participants learned faces in arrays, they had more false alarms for other-race faces than own-races faces if ii i they were tested with sequentially presented faces. These results are consistent with the perceptual expertise model in that participants were better able to use the full two seconds in the sequential task for own-race faces, but not for other-race faces. The purpose of Experiment 2 was to examine participants’ attentional allocation in complex scenes. Participants were shown scenes comprising people in real places, but the head stimuli used in Experiment 1 were superimposed onto the bodies in each scene. Using a Tobii eyetracker, participants’ looking time for both own- and other-race faces was evaluated to determine whether participants looked longer at own-race faces and whether individual differences in looking time correlated with individual differences in recognition accuracy. The results of this experiment demonstrated that although own-race faces were preferentially attended to in comparison to other-race faces, individual differences in looking time biases towards own-race faces did not correlate with individual differences in own-race recognition advantages. These results are also consistent with perceptual expertise, as it seems that the role of attentional biases towards own-race faces is independent of the cognitive processing that occurs for own-race faces. All together, these results have implications for face perception tasks that are performed in the lab, how accurate people may be when remembering faces in the real world, and the accuracy and patterns of errors in eyewitness testimony.

Macroeconomic News Effects and Foreign Exchange Jumps

This thesis investigates how macroeconomic news announcements affect jumps and cojumps in foreign exchange markets, especially under different business cycles. We use 5-min interval from high frequency data on Euro/Dollar, Pound/Dollar and Yen/Dollar from Nov. 1, 2004 to Feb. 28, 2015. The jump detection method was proposed by Andersen et al. (2007c), Lee & Mykland (2008) and then modified by Boudt et al. (2011a) for robustness. Then we apply the two-regime smooth transition regression model of Teräsvirta (1994) to explore news effects under different business cycles. We find that scheduled news related to employment, real activity, forward expectations, monetary policy, current account, price and consumption influences forex jumps, but only FOMC Rate Decisions has consistent effects on cojumps. Speeches given by major central bank officials near a crisis also significantly affect jumps and cojumps. However, the impacts of some macroeconomic news are not the same under different economic states.