Self-reported health status and lifestyle behaviours of the residents of the Town of Fort Erie, Ontario, as related to the Canadian Community Health Survey

The purpose of this cross sectional survey design was to examine self-reported health status and lifestyle behaviours of the residents of the Town of Fort Erie, Ontario, as related to the Canadian Community Health Survey. Using a mail-out survey, entitled the Fort Erie Survey of Health (FESH), a probability cluster sampling technique was used to measure self-reported health status (present health, health conditions, health challenges, functional health limitations) and lifestyle behaviour (smoking, alcohol use, drug use, physical activity, fruit and vegetable consumption, body weight, and gaming). Each variable was described and analyzed in relation to socio-economic variables, age and gender. The findings from this study were compared to the Canadian Community Health Survey 2000/2001. Overall, 640 surveys were completed. The majority of Fort Erie residents rated their present health as good and were satisfied with their overall health and quality of life. The main chronic conditions reported were arthritis, back pain and heart disease. Other main health problems reported were vision, sleeping and chronic pain. Overall, 14.6% smoke; 58.8% engaged in physical activity either occasionally or never as opposed to regularly engaging in physical activity; 52.1% did not eat the required daily fruits and vegetables; and 40.0% were in the overweight category. Persons who practiced one healthy lifestyle behaviour were more likely to practice other healthy promoting behaviours. Therefore, health promotion programs are best designed to address multiple risk factors simultaneously. The ffiSH was generally consistent with the Canadian Community Health Survey in the overall findings. A small number of inconsistencies were identified that require further exploration to determine if they are unique to this community.

An Address of members of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United States, to their constituents, on the subject of the war with Great Britain. --

Signed by George Sullivan and thirty-three other Federalist members.

Laura Secord: a study in Canadian patriotism : being an address delivered before the Canadian Club, of Winnipeg, May 1st, 1907 /

Cover title.

Message from the President of the United States, to both Houses of Congress, at the commencement of the third session of the thirteenth Congress. --

Document no. 1 in U.S. 13th Congress, 3d session, 1814-1815. House.

Message from the President of the United States to both Houses of Congress at the commencement of the second session of the twelfth Congress. --

November 4, 1812. Read, and ordered to be printed.

Resolutions reported by the Military Committee, expressive of the thanks of Congress to Major General Jackson, and the troops under his command, for their gallantry and good conduct, in the defence of New Orleans.--

February 13, 1815. Printed by order of the Senate of the United States.

Everything that rises must converge: a neo-Marxist analysis of Canadian business-government relations

The following thesis presents an analysis of business-government relations within a neo-Marxist framework. Specifically, the discussion encompasses how the business interest group. the Business Council on National Issues, maintains consensus and unity amongst its monopoly capital members. Furthermore. the study elaborates on the process through which the group's interests are acknowledged and legitimized by the state under the "public interest" f8fue. Most of the literature pertaining to business-government relations within the context of interactions between business interest groups and the state, and such specific branches of the state as the government and/or the civil service. emphasize a liberal-pluralist perspective. Essentially, these writings serve to reflect and legitimate the current slatus quo. Marxist discourses on the subject, while attempting to transcend the liberal-pluralist framework. nevertheless suffer from either economic determinism .. ie., stressing the state's accumulation function but not its legitimation function or historical specificity. A cogent and comprehensive neo-Marxist analysis of business-government relations must discuss both the accumulation and legitimation functions of the state. The process by which the concerns of a particular business interest group become part of the state's policy agenda and subsequently are formulated and implemented into policies which legitimate its dominance is also studied. This inquiry is significant given the liberal-pluralist assumptions of a neutral state and that all interest groups compete "on a level playing field". The author's neo-Marxist paradigm rejects both of these assumptions. Building on concepts from nea-Marxist instrumentalism. structuralism. state monopoly capitalism, and forms and functions of the state perspectives. the author proposes that policies which legitimize the interests of the monopoly capital fraction cannot. be discerned only from the state's activities. per StJ. Clearly, if the liberal-pluralist 3 contention of multiple and conflicting interest groups, including those within the capitalist class, is taken at face value, M interest group such as the Business Council on National Issues (BCND, must somehow maintain. internal consensus Md unity amongst its members. Internal consensus amongst its members ensures that the state can better acknowledge and articulate its concerns into policies that maintain hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction under the "public interest" fllf.JJdq. The author contends that the BCNI focuses most of its interactions on the upper echelons of the civil service since it is this branch of the state which is most responsible for policy formulation and implementation. The author's paradigm is applied within the context of extensively analyzing newspaper coverage. BCN! publications, and other published sources, as well as a personal interview with an executive administrative member of the BeNI. The discussion focuses on how agreement and unity amongst the various interests of the monopoly capital fraction are maintained through the business organization, its policy scope, and finally its interactions with the state. The analysis suggests that while the civil service is an important player in expressing the interests of the BCNI's membership through policies which ostensibly also reflect the "public interest", it is not the only strategic target for the BCNI's interactions with the state. The author's research also highlights the importance of government officials at the Cabinet level and Cabinet Committees. Senior elected officials from the Federal government are also significant in avoiding intergovernmental or interprovincial conflict in implementing policies that legitimize hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction over other fractions and classes.

You get what you pay for : independent music and Canadian public policy

The aim of this MA thesis is to demonstrate how corporate concentration within the global music industry specifically affects the Canadian music industry's ability to compete for its own national audience as well as audiences worldwide. Federal public policies, regulatory regimes and subsidies are considered within the context of the structure of the global marketplace which is, in effect, an oligopoly controlled by four major corporations. Through an extensive literature review of political economy theory, Canadian public policies and music studies, as well as personal interviews conducted with Canadian musicians, entrepreneurs and public servants, I will situate my research within the body of political economy theory; present a detailed report of the structure of the global music industry; address the key players within the industry; describe the relationship between the major corporations and the independent companies operating in the industry; discuss how new technologies affect said relationships; consider the effectiveness of Canadian public policies in safeguarding the national music industry; and recommend steps that can be taken to remedy the shortcomings of Federal policies and regulatory regimes.

Canadian curling coaches' use of psychological skills training

Hom's (2008) model of coaching effectiveness proposes a series of direct relationships between the beliefs and values of coaches, their behaviours, and the perceptions of their athletes. One specific area of coaching behaviour that is in need of more research is their use of psychological skills training (PSn. The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between the beliefs and behaviours of curling coaches with respect to PST, and the perceptions of their athletes. In collaboration with the Canadian Curling Association, data was collected from a national sample of 115 curling teams with varying levels of competition and experience. One hundred and fifteen coaches completed PST attitude (SPA-RC-revised) and behaviour (MSQ-revised) measures, while 403 athletes completed two perception measures (CCS and S-CI). Interclass correlation coefficients (ICC) were calculated to ensure intra-team consistency. All ICCs were positive, ranging from r =.39 to .56, and significant at the p < .01 level. A series of multiple regressions were performed. Three of the four regression models were significant, with coaches' PST behaviours accounting for 16% of the variance in athletes' evaluation of their coaches' competencies (GeC). The models for athletes' PhysicalSport Confidence (P-SC) and Cognitive-Sport Confidence (C-SC) accounted for 15% and 36% of the variation, with GCC and coaches' PST behaviours both being significant predictors of the models. After statistically controlling the influence of GCC, coaches' PST behaviours accounted for 3% and 26% of the variation in athletes P-SC and C-SC. These results provide partial support for Hom's (2008) model of coaching effectiveness, and offer new insight into the benefits of coaches' use of sport psychology-related training behaviours.

A black-focused school : black Canadian youth and the mainstream curriculum

ABSTRACT When asked about the proposal for a black-focused school, black youth from the Greater Toronto Area (GTA) voiced their agreement with elements of the proposal, but resisted the idea of implementing the proposal by creating a separate school. Although media representations and Dei (1996, 2006) provide insight into what Torontonians' reactions are to the proposed blackfocused school there has been no such information documented on what black youth in the GTA think about the project. This is the first known study that attempts to fill that gap by providing a representation of black youths' voices obtained via focus groups. The study examines what black youth know and think about the proposal, and why they largely disagree with the blackfocused school proposal. While the findings of this study indicate that the participants saw many positive elements of the proposal, they did not support the implementation of a black-focused school as they saw the creation of a separate space for the school as a negative thing. The youth had trouble conceptualizing 'black-focused schooling' as an alternative approach to mainstream education, which had an impact on whether they choose to, or could, respond to questions that precisely related to the black-focused school project. The study concludes that the youth could not visualize what the school would look like and how it would operate because they draw on liberal racist discourses (e.g. colour-blindness, blaming the victim, and equal opportunity) when thinking about their educational experiences; however, there was a clear contradiction in the way the youths' voices reflected an awareness of the role of race in education experiences. It was evident when they talked about fear of stigmatization, but when using liberal discourses the youth discounted the role of race, and seemed not to be aware of its role in educational experiences. These findings pose important implications for educators, would-be educators, administrators, the TDSB and proponents of the black-focused school.