456 resultados para Shipping -- Canada.


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Breeding parameters of Great Cormorants (PkaZac/iOCOfiCLX CCUibo dCUtbo) and Double-crested Cormorants (P. CLU/uXuA CMJhLtllb) were examined at two mixed species colonies at Cape Tryon and Durell Point, Prince Edward Island from 1976 to 1978. Differential access to nests at the two colony sites resulted in more complete demographic data for P. CCUibo than for P. CLUJiituA. In 1911j P. CCtfibo was present at both colonies by 21 March, whereas P. auAAJtuA did not return until 1 April and 16 April at Cape Tryon and Durell Point, respectively. Differences in the arrival chronology by individuals of each species and differences in the time of nest site occupation according to age, are suggested as factors influencing the nest site distribution of P. CXUtbo and P. aiVtituA at Cape Tryon. Forty-eight P. dOJtbo chicks banded at the Durell Point colony between 19 74 and 19 76 returned there to nest as two- to four-year olds in 19 77 and 19 78. Unmarked individuals with clutch-starts in April were likely greater than four years old as all marked two to four-year olds (with one possible exception) in 19 77 and 1978 had clutch-starts in May and June. Seasonal variation in the breeding success of P. dOJibo individuals was examined at Durell Point in 1977. Mean clutch-size, hatching success and fledging success exhibited a seasonal decline. Four- and 5-egg clutches represented the majority (75%) of all P. CCUibo clutches at Durell Point in 1977 and had the highest reproductive success (0.48 and 0.43 chicks fledged per egg laid respectively). Smaller clutches produced small broods with significantly higher chick mortality while larger clutches suffered high egg loss prior to clutch completion.

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Abstract The aim of this research project is to draw on accounts of experiences ofborder crossing and regulation at the Canada/U.S. border at Niagara in order to illuminate the dynamics of differentiation and inequality at this site. The research is informed by claims that the world is turning into a global village due to transnational flows oftechnology, infonnation, capital and people. Much of the available literature on globalization shows that while the transfer of technology, information, and capital are enhanced, the transnational movement of people is both facilitated and constrained in complex and unequal ways. In this project, the workings of facilitation and constraint were explored through an analysis often interviews with people who had spent a substantial portion oftheir childhood (e.g. 5 years) in a Canadian border community. The interviewees were at the time ofthe research between the ages of 19 and 25. Because most ofthe respondents were 'white' Canadians of working to upper middle class status, my focus was to explore how 'whiteness' as privilege may translate into enhanced movement across borders and how 'white' people may internalize and enjoy this privilege but may often deny its reality. I was also interested in how inequality is perceived, understood, and legitimated by these relatively privileged people. My analysis ofthe ten accounts ofborder crossing and regulation suggests that differentially situated people experience border crossing differently. An important finding is that while relatively privileged border crossers perceived and often problernatized differential treatment based on external factors such as physical appearance, and especially race, most did not challenge such treatment but rather saw it as acceptable. These findings are located within newer literature that addresses the increasing securitization ofborders and migration in western societies.

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The thesis presents a comparison of the national energy policies of the Federal Republic of Germany and Canada from 1973 until the late 1980s. The purpose of this paper is to analyze whether economic and/or environmental concerns were responsible for changes in the· West-German and Canadian national energy policies. Furthermore, the feasibility of implementing a soft energy path in West-Germany and Canada is examined. For better comprehension of the policy-making process and implemented changes in the national energy policies of the two states, the West-German and Canadian parliamentary systems and the political cultures were compared. For the analysis, several events with international impact were taken as guidelines. Furthermore, based on statistical data, the West-German and Canadian energy production and consumption were analyzed. With reference to these results the degree of the de facto changes in the national energy policies were analyzed. In addition, the thesis discusses the possibilities which a soft energy path offers to both national governments to renounce themselves from the dependencies on a few energy resources. The thesis reveals that changes in the West-German and Canadian national energy policies, in their energy production and consumption are correlated to various world events. In particular, governmental reponses security of energy supply by the two international oil crises of 1973 and 1979/1980 demonstrate that changes in the West-German and Canadian national energy policies were implemented in reaction to economic concerns than environmental ones. With the policies "away from oil" and "off oil", the West-German and Canadian government implemented the i i substitution of oil through various diverse energy supply resources. However, energy savings concepts and policies were initiated through the first oil crisis in 1973. The world recessions in 1975 and 1982 had no 'profound impacts on the agenda of West-German and Canadian energy policies. As a consequence of the stagnation or the negative growth of the world economic market, changes in their energy production and consumption can be perceived. However, the West-German and Canadian energy production and consumption intensified with the augmentation of the world economy. During the period of study, environmental concerns were taken into account in the energy policy agendas of the Federal Republic of Germany and Canada but they were not of primary concern. wi thin the decade of. the 1980s notably more environmental considerations were taken into account in the energy policies of the two states. The two nuclear reactor accidents in 1979 and 1986 sharpened to various degrees West-German and Canadian public discourse of present energy supply mix and attitude towards energy production and consumption. The statistical data reflects yet no changes in the energy policies in regard to the position of nuclear power. However, in the next several years possible changes can be observed through statistical data, because the planning, the construction and possible phase out of nuclear power requires several years. Finally, the thesis reveals that the implementation of a soft energy path requires profound changes in the consumer behaviour. As several studies indicate, a soft energy path is technological and economically feasible for the Federal Republic of Germany and Canada, its implementation remains to be a political decision.

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Twenty-eight young women who were members of the Girl Guides of Canada as Rangers and Cadets from a convenience sample chose to participate in this case study. They were from four separate locations in Southern Ontario. The interviews and observations at unit meetings allowed an indepth look into the perceptions of leadership of these young women. The amount of time observing and interacting with each participant provided a snapshot of what they thought and how they responded to the questions asked at that particular time. Each girl responded to the question, "Are you a leader?" They then gave examples of their own leadership and described leaders they knew. Their responses are reported in relation to their definitions. Their identifications of effective and ineffective leaders were examined, as well as their views of the best and worst things a leader can do. This information is reported by unit, as some patterns in their responses emerged which were unique to each group. The responses of all of the girls to the leadership of Guiders, Rangers and Cadets and the hypothetical effect of male leaders and male Rangers in Guiding are reported. For these, the participants' views were sorted based on the common themes/ and regardless of their group affiliation, since many of the same themes emerged when examining these questions. The information collected was extensive and allowed for trends and parallels to become evident 0 All of the participants identified themselves as leaders. A diversity of views exists in their perceptions of leadership. For many, age makes a difference in leadership. The majority identified the single-sex aspect of the organization as comfortable and stated that it should remain so. Gender profoundly affects who is listened to and what opportunities are available.

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The effec s of relative water level changes in Lake Ontario were detected in the ysical, chemical and biological characteristics of the sediments of the Fifteen, Sixteen and Twenty Mile Creek lagoonal complexes. Regional environmental changes have occurred resulting in the following sequence of sediments in the three lagoons and marsh. From the base up they are; (I) Till,(2) Pink Clay, (3) Bottom Sand, (4) Gyttja, (5) Orange Sandy Silt, (6) Brown Clay and (7) Gray Clay. The till was only encountered in the marsh and channel; however, it is presumed to occur throughout the entire area. The presence of diatoms and sponge spicules, the vertical and ongitudinal uniformity of the sediment and the stratigr ic position of the Pink Clay indicate that it has a glacial or post-glacial lacustrine origin. Overl ng the Pink Clay or Till is a clayey, silty sand to gravel. The downstream fining and unsorted nature of this material indicate that it has a fluvial/deltaic origin. Water levels began rising in the lagoon 3,250 years ago resulting in the deposition of the Gyttja, a brown, organic-rich silty clay probably deposited in a shallow, stagnant environment as shown by the presence of pyrite in the organic material and relatively high proportions of benthic diatoms and grass pollen. Increase in the rate of deposition of the Gyttja on Twenty Mile Creek and a decrease in the same unit on Sixteen Mile Creek is possibly the result of a capture of the Sixteen Mile Creek by the Twenty Mile Creek. The rise in lake level responsible for the onset and transgression of this III unit may have been produced by isostatic rebound; however, the deposition also corresponds closely to a drop in the level of Lake Huron and increased flow through the lower lakes. The o ange Sandy Silt, present only in the marsh, appears to be a buried soil horizon as shown by oxidized roots, and may be the upland equivalant to the Gyttja. Additional deepening resulted in the deposition of Brown Clay, a unit which only occurs at the lakeward end of the three lagoons. The decrease in grass pollen and the relatively high proportion of pelagic diatoms are evidence for this. The deepening may be the result of isostatic rebound; however, the onset of its deposition at 1640 years B.P. is synchronous in the three lagoons and corresponds to the end of the subAtlantic climatic episode. The effects of the climatic change in southern Ontario is uncertain. Average deposition rates of the Brown Clay are similar to those in the upper Gyttja on Sixteen Mile Creek; however, Twenty Mile Creek shows lower rates of the Brown Clay than those in the upper Gyttja. The Gray Clay covers the present bottom of the three lagoons and also occurs in the marsh It is inter1aminated wi sand in the channels. Increases in the rates of deposi ion, high concentrations of Ca and Zn, an Ambrosia rise, and an increase in bioturbation possibly due to the activities of the carp, indicate th this unit is a recent deposit resulting from the activities of man.

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It is acknowledged that Canada's criminal justice system has some major flaws, particularly with respect to its application to various ethnic subgroups. Aboriginal Canadians are one subgroup particularly sensitive to the problems in the system as is reflected by their disproportionately high rates of criminality and incarceration. Over the past 50 years many programs have been developed and recommendations have been made to alleviate the tensions Aboriginals find within the system. However, the situation today is essentially the same. Aboriginals are still overrepresented within the system and solutions that have been brought forward have had little success in stemming their flow into the system. Blame for Aboriginal mistreatment in the system has been placed at all levels from line police officers to high-level officials and politicians and attempts to resolve problems continue as an on going process. However, many of the recommendations and reforms have revolved around culture conflict. Although this thesis recognizes the importance of culture conflict in the overrepresentation of Aboriginals within the Canadian criminal justice system, it has also recognized that culture conflict alone is not responsible for all the flaws within the system as it pertains to Aboriginals. This thesis is of the opinion that in order for reforms to the criminal justice system to be successful, the context in which the system is operating must also be considered. Variables such as geographic isolation, economic disparity and social/political stability are viewed as operating in conjunction with culture, ultimately influencing Aboriginal treatment within the system. The conclusions drawn from this study confirm that when these factors operate together, the overrepresentation of Aboriginals within the Canadian criminal justice system is inevitable. Thus all three variables, culture conflict (social/political stability being part), geographic isolation and economic disparity must be address within the system if any significant changes in the crime rates or incarceration rates of Aboriginals is to be expected. In addition, primary research indicated the influence of cooperation as a factor in moderating the effects of criminality; not just cooperation among Aboriginals and non-Aboriginals, but also cooperation among differing Aboriginal communities. It was argued that when all these issues are addressed, Aboriginal peoples in Canada will have the strength to repair their shattered futures.

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The green movement has evolved over the last twenty years from various social, peace and ecology activist organizations into direct political participation in parliamentary institutions through the Green Party. Although there is no definable theory of green politics, the culmination of interacting social movements as well as feminist, decentralist and in many cases, left wing political ideology, has produced a specific kind of political direction for the Greens internationally. As a result of the increased a ttention and awareness given to ecological issues , combined with the heightened evidence of large scale environmental deterioration, public attitudes and government decisions on development and natural resource management have been significantly altered. The Green Party of Canada is still r elatively young in comparison to its European counterparts, although ecologica l awareness and interest in t he green movement in Canada is strong, as reflected not only in support on a political level for the Canadian Greens I but for environmental issues and a ctivism in general. For this reason it s important to determine whether or not the Green Party is a significant aspect of the Canadian green movement, and if in fact its representation is necessary as an active participant in the Canadian political system . The Green Party of Canada, as a vital aspect of the Canadian green movement, and its connection to international green organizations can be examined primarily through the examp l es of both the Canadian Greens and the Green party of Ontario , by using original party documents and literature, information gained through Green party meetings and discussions with members, and commentary by Green theorists where app licable. As well, the influence on the Canadian green movement by the German Green Party is outlined , again mainly through party literature, documents and critiques of the party's experiences. This study reveals several existing and potential problems fo r t he Green Party in Canada, and the political fut ure of the Canadian green movement in general. Some, such as the real i ties of the Canadian political system are external to the movement, and may be overcome with adjustments in goals and methods, and a realization of the changing attitude towards environmental issues in a political context . On the other hand, internal party disfunctions in both organization and direction, caused mainly by the indefinite parameters of green ideology, threaten to exploit the already problematic aspects evident in t he Green Party . Aside from its somewhat slow beginnings, the Green Party in Canada has developed into a strong grassroots social movement, not however from its political visibility but from the steady growth in the popul ari ty of ecological pol i t ics in Canada. Due to the seeming enormity of the obstacles facing the Greens in their effort 4 to achieve electoral success, it is doubtful that Parliamentary representation will be achieved without a major re-orientation of party organization and methods. UI timately the strength of the Green Party in Canada will be based upon its ability to survive as a significant movement, and its willingness to continue to challenge political thought and practice.

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The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.

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The Green Party of Canada, as a vital aspect of the Canadian green movement, and its connection to international green organizations can be examined primarily through the examp l es of both the Canadian Greens and the Green party of Ontario , by using original party documents and literature, information gained through Green party meetings and discussions with members, and commentary by Green theorists where app licable. As well, the influence on the Canadian green movement by the German Green Party is out lined , again mainly through party literature, documents and critiques of the party's experiences. This study reveals several existing and potential problems fo r t he Green Party in Canada, and the political fut ure of the Canadian green movement in general. Some, such as the real i ties of the Canadian political system are external to the movement, and may be overcome with adjustments in goals and methods, and a realization of the changing attitude towards environmental issues in a political context . On the other hand, internal party disfunctions in both organization and direction, caused mainly by the indefinite parameters of green ideology, threaten to expl oi t t he al ready problematic aspects evident in t he Green Party . Aside from its somewhat slow beginnings, the Green Party in Canada has developed into a strong grassroots social movement, not however from its political visibility but from the steady growth in the popul ari ty of ecological pol i t ics in Canada . Due to the seeming enormity of the obstacles facing the Greens in their effort 4 to achieve electoral success, it is doubtful that Parliamentary representation will be achieved without a major re-orientation of party organization and methods. UI timately the strength of the Green Party in Canada will be based upon its ability to survive as a significant movement, and its willingness to continue to challenge political thought and practice.

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Verse.