21 resultados para the second law of thermodynamics


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Inter and intrachromosomal viability interactions have been detected in a few experimental studies. Computer simulations and analytical models have led to postulation of nonadditivity of gene action. This study reports evidence of strong nonadditive interactions between the arms of the metacentric second chromosome of Drosophila melanogaster. Mean viability for 40 homozygous lines of the second chromosomes was 0.720+0.265 • Mean viability for 40 half homozygous second chromosomes was 0.928!O.)10 • Significant heterogeneity among and within lines was found in both groups of chromosomes, as well as a highly significant viability difference between the two groups. Comparison of observed viabilities with the expected values, according to the theories of additive and multi - plicative gene action. was made for both groups. Highly significant departures from the expected values were found for over 90% of the lines in both groups of chromosomes, for both additive and multiplicative models of gene action.

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November 4, 1812. Read, and ordered to be printed. Includes Documents accompanying the Message of the President of the United States to the two Houses of Congress, at the opening of the second session of the twelfth Congress United States. 12th Congress, 2nd session, 1812-1813. House.; United States. 12th Congress, 2nd session, 1812-1813. Senate.; United States. Congress. House.; United States. Congress. Senate. Printed by A. and C. Way

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Letter (2 letters contained in one with a total of 2 pages) addressed to Henry Nelles. The first part is from Gilles Moffatt and he says that there is a balance of 277 pounds and 13 shillings in their favour. This is dated Jan. 10, 1831. The second part is addressed to Henry Nelles from R. Gillespie and it says that he intends to go to London district before paying Mr. Nelles a visit in Grimsby. The second page of this letter is stained and missing a section. Text is slightly affected, Jan. 29, 1831.

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This thesis, based on the results of an organizational ethnography of a university-based feminist organization in Southern Ontario (the Centre), traces how third wave feminism is being constituted in the goals, initiatives, mandate, organizational structure, and overall culture of university-based feminist organizations. I argue that, from its inception, the meanings and goals of the Centre have been contested through internal critique, reflection, and discussion inspired by significant shifts in feminist theory that challenge the fundamental principles of second wave feminism. I identify a major shift in the development and direction of the Centre that occurs in two distinct phases. The first phase of the shift occurs with the emergence of an antioppression framework, which broadens the Centre's mandate beyond gender and sexism to consider multiple axes of identity and oppression that affect women's lives. The second phase of this shift is characterized by a focus on (trans) inclusion and accessibility and has involved changing the Centre's name so that it is no longer identified as a women's centre in order to reflect more accurately its focus on mUltiple axes of identity and oppression. Along with identifying two phases of a major shift in the direction of the Centre, I trace two discourses about its development. The dominant discourse of the Centre's development is one of progress and evolution. The dominant discourse characterizes the Centre as a dynamic feminist organization that consistently strives to be more inclusive and diverse. The reverse discourse undermines the dominant discourse by emphasizing that, despite the Centre's official attempts to be inclusive and to build diversity, little has actually changed, leaving women of colour marginalized in the Centre's dominant culture of whiteness. This research reveals that, while many of their strategies have unintended (negative) consequences, members of the Centre are working to build an inclusive politics of resistance that avoids the mistakes of earlier feminist movements and organizations. These members, along with other activists, actively constitute third wave feminism in a process that is challenging, contradictory, and often painful. A critical analysis of this process and the strategies it involves provides an opportunity for activists to reflect on their experiences and develop new strategies in an effort to further struggles for social justice and equity.

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Fifteen mentoring pairs of teachers were randomly selected from each group of teachers that had participated in the Halton Board of Education "Partners in the Classroom" program during 1988/89, 1989/90, and 1990/91. Each teacher was personally interviewed. Interviews were recorded, transcriptions were prepared and examined and analyzed. During the first part of the interview questions were asked regarding personal and professional demographics. The purpose of the second part of the interview was to gain information relating to the development of the relationships, over a three-year period, between mentor and mentee teacher participants in the "Partners in the Classroom" program. The analysis of the data suggest that there are identifiable changes in the development of the relationship between the mentor teacher and the mentee teacher over time. Implications from the study results that could enhance the induction program for new teachers are discussed.

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Nanoporous materials with large surface area and well-ordered pore structure have been synthesized. Thiol groups were grafted on the materials' surface to make heavy metal ion pre-concentration media. The adsorption properties ofthe materials were explored. Mercury, gold and silver can be strongly adsorbed by these materials, even in the presence of alkaline earth metal ion. Though the materials can adsorb other heavy metal ions such as lead and copper, they show differential adsorption ability when several ions are present in solution. The adsorption sequence is: mercury> == silver> copper » lead and cadmium. In the second part of this work, the memory effects of mercury, gold, silver and boron were investigated. The addition of 2% L-cysteine and 1% thiourea eliminates the problems of the three metal ions completely. The wash-out time for mercury dropped from more than 20 minutes to 18 seconds, and the wash-out time for gold decreased from more than 30 minutes to 49 seconds. The memory effect of boron can be reduced by the use of mannitol.

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The Second U.S. Regiment of Light Dragoons was formed in January 1812. In March of 1814, it merged with the First U.S. Regiment of Light Dragoons to form the Regiment of Light Dragoons.

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An orderly book of the Second Regiment of U.S. Dragoons, New York, dated August 14, 1812-July 29, 1813. The book contains orders pertaining to day-to-day military matters, such as punishments for disobedience, court-martial proceedings, camp rules and regulations, and guidelines for interacting with civilians in the vicinity of the camp. The Regiment was stationed at various locations in upstate New York and Canada, including Greenbush, Albany, Sackets Harbor, Utica, Geneva, Fort Niagara and Fort George. General Henry Dearborn originally commanded the Regiment at Greenbush. Names noted in this book include:E. Beebe, Deputy Adjt. General; William King, Capt. 15th; John Chandler, General ;W. Gamewood, Major ;James Burns, Colonel;John Woodford, Major; Andrew McDowell, Capt.; Abm. Gustis, Major; C.W. Hunter, Brigade Major; Selden, Captain; Holland, Captain; Harris, Captain; Clarkson, Lieutenant; Johnson, Lieutenant; Robert Craig, Adjt.; R.G. Hith, A.A. General. Also included with the orderly book are a monthly return form, a contract for medical services, and a bonus pay voucher for Thomas Blunt. The monthly return form is partially completed and dated January 1813 at Greenbush, New York. It is signed by Captain Jonas Holland. The contract is dated May 20, 1812, between John Dodge, physician and surgeon, and Jonas Holland. The contract describes the services required of the physician and the salary to be paid. The bonus pay voucher is dated April 25, 1813, for $8.00 paid to Thomas Blunt by Captain Jonas Holland for 'enlisting into the army of the United States for five years'.

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Violence has always been a part of the human experience, and therefore, a popular topic for research. It is a controversial issue, mostly because the possible sources of violent behaviour are so varied, encompassing both biological and environmental factors. However, very little disagreement is found regarding the severity of this societal problem. Most researchers agree that the number and intensity of aggressive acts among adults and children is growing. Not surprisingly, many educational policies, programs, and curricula have been developed to address this concern. The research favours programs which address the root causes of violence and seek to prevent rather than provide consequences for the undesirable behaviour. But what makes a violence prevention program effective? How should educators choose among the many curricula on the market? After reviewing the literature surrounding violence prevention programs and their effectiveness, The Second Step Violence Prevention Curriculum surfaced as unique in many ways. It was designed to address the root causes of violence in an active, student-centred way. Empathy training, anger management, interpersonal cognitive problem solving, and behavioural social skills form the basis of this program. Published in 1992, the program has been the topic of limited research, almost entirely carried out using quantitative methodologies.The purpose of this study was to understand what happens when the Second Step Violence Prevention Curriculum is implemented with a group of students and teachers. I was not seeking a statistical correlation between the frequency of violence and program delivery, as in most prior research. Rather, I wished to gain a deeper understanding of the impact ofthe program through the eyes of the participants. The Second Step Program was taught to a small, primary level, general learning disabilities class by a teacher and student teacher. Data were gathered using interviews with the teachers, personal observations, staff reports, and my own journal. Common themes across the four types of data collection emerged during the study, and these themes were isolated and explored for meaning. Findings indicate that the program does not offer a "quick fix" to this serious problem. However, several important discoveries were made. The teachers feU that the program was effective despite a lack of concrete evidence to support this claim. They used the Second Step strategies outside their actual instructional time and felt it made them better educators and disciplinarians. The students did not display a marked change in their behaviour during or after the program implementation, but they were better able to speak about their actions, the source of their aggression, and the alternatives which were available. Although they were not yet transferring their knowledge into positive action,a heightened awareness was evident. Finally, staff reports and my own journal led me to a deeper understanding ofhow perception frames reality. The perception that the program was working led everyone to feel more empowered when a violent incident occurred, and efforts were made to address the cause rather than merely to offer consequences. A general feeling that we were addressing the problem in a productive way was prevalent among the staff and students involved. The findings from this investigation have many implications for research and practice. Further study into the realm of violence prevention is greatly needed, using a balance of quantitative and qualitative methodologies. Such a serious problem can only be effectively addressed with a greater understanding of its complexities. This study also demonstrates the overall positive impact of the Second Step Violence Prevention Curriculum and, therefore, supports its continued use in our schools.

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The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.