66 resultados para St. Louis Missouri Repeal Association of the Friends of Ireland.
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Iron Mountain Route Railway schedule: the great through line St. Louis, Arkansas and Texas to the Hot Springs of Arkansas.
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New Southern Hotel, St. Louis Missouri pamphlet, 1881.
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“Frisco Line” St. Louis and San Francisco Railway the direct line through St. Louis schedule, Jan. 9, 1882.
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The Loyal Orange Association of British America is a Protestant fraternal society. The Loyal Orange Association originated in Ulster, Ireland during the late eighteenth century. Its purpose was to promote Protestant rights and privileges. The association was exclusively Protestant, fraternal, democratic, and benevolent. Orange principles were brought to Upper Canada by Protestant Irish settlers after 1815. The first Canadian Orange Lodge was formally established in Brockville, Leeds County, 1830. By the late 19th and early 20th century, the Loyal Orange Association of British North America had gained considerable popularity and political influence. Many prominent politicians, including several prime ministers, were members. Orangemen were particularly concerned with issues such as separate school funding, language rights, immigration, religious freedom and conscription. Further, they demanded the execution of Louis Riel and opposed the Jesuits Estates settlement. Administrative sketch courtesy Archives of Ontario.
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Letter to Messrs. Stuart, Eliot and Williams of St. Louis, Mo. (1 page, printed) regarding the probate of Samuel DeVeaux’s will. This letter is unsigned, Feb. 17, 1905.
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The intent in this study was to investigate in what ways teachers· beliefs about education and teaching are expressed in the specific teaching behaviours they employ, and whether teaching behaviours, as perceived by their students, are correlated with students· critical thinking and self-directed learning. To this end the relationships studied were: among faCUlty members· philosophy of teaching, locus of control orientation, psychological type, and observed teaching behaviour; and among students· psychological type, perceptions of teaching behaviour, self-directed learning readiness, and critical thinking. The overall purpose of the study was to investigate whether the implicit goals of higher education, critical thinking and self-direction, were actually accounted for in the university classroom. The research was set within the context of path-goal theory, adapted from the leadership literature. Within this framework, Mezirow·s work on transformative learning, including the influences of Habermas· writings, was integrated to develop a theoretical perspective upon which to base the research methodology. Both qualitative and quantitative methodologies were incorporated. Four faCUlty and a total of 142 students participated in the study. Philosophy of teaching was described through faCUlty interviews and completion of a repertory grid. Faculty completed a descriptive locus of control scale, and a psychological type test. Observations of their teaching behaviour were conducted. Students completed a Teaching Behaviour Assessment Scale, the Self-Directed Learning Readiness Scale, a psychological type test, and the Watson-Glaser Critical Thinking Appraisal. A small sample of students were interviewed. Follow-up discussions with faculty were used to validate the interview, observation, teaching behaviour, and repertory grid data. Results indicated that some discrepancies existed between faculty's espoused philosophy of teaching and their observed teaching behaviour. Instructors' teaching behaviour, however, was a function of their personal theory of practice. Relationships were found between perceived teaching behaviour and students· self-directed learning and critical thinking, but these varied across situations, as would be predicted from path-goal theory. Psychological type of students and instructor also accounted for some of the variability in the relationships studied. Student psychological type could be shown as a partial predictor of self-directed learning readiness. The results were discussed in terms of theory development and implications for further research and practice.
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The St. Catharines and District Council of Women was founded in 1918 and elected as its first president, Mary Malcolmson. In 1910 Mrs. Malcolmson founded North America’s first Girl Guide Association in St. Catharines. The aim of the organization was to work for the betterment of conditions pertaining to the family, community and state. The Council is an umbrella group for various women’s organizations in the area and functions at the provincial, national and international levels and is associated with the United Nations. In the early years the National Council brought in the Victorian Order of Nurses (VON) and started the Women’s Canadian Club. The St. Catharines Council initiated Child Welfare Centres in local churches that grew into the Well Baby Clinics. Women were encouraged to take political office and join committees with much success. In 1929, “Shop at Home” exhibition became an annual event highlighting the services of local merchants. Money raised by the Council was donated to local charities and in 1930 the Council assisted the local Armenian community in building the first Armenian Church in Canada. In 1932 the Council started the Maternal Welfare programme in which Mothers’ Meetings were held weekly with various speakers from the Public Health Department. In 1975 to celebrate International Women’s Year and the 1976 Centennial of the City of St. Catharines, the group sponsored the book Women of Action, 1876-1976, written by two of its members, Lily M. Bell and Kathleen E. Bray. Some time after 1976 the name of the organization changed from St. Catharines Local Council of Women to St. Catharines and District Council of Women. Today the organization functions as an advocacy and educational group.
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Phe Ihesis examines the evolution of the -policies of the People fs Jtenublie of China towards J?hail°nd, PTal ysia, Singapore, Iidonesia pad the Philip-pines, organised in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations from 1969 to 1975• 2ze first central point of this study is an *ir sumption that the foreign relations of The People's Tepublic of Chi la Towards Southeast ^sia have been motivated by a dynamic interplay of t^o main factors: (1) Farxist-Leninist ideology and ICao J^e-tung Ph^ught, which dictate to China to behave as a revolutionary Dover vhich must assist the insurgent movements in the area in their strug fle to overthrow the local governments; (2) national interest, vhich demands of China to safeguard the southern flank of her territory bordering on Southerst 'sia through Friendly relations, trade and ot*»er conventional inrtniments of diplomacy. hile the tvo main motive factors are nuTually antagonistic and exclusivet the Chinere leaders are nevertheless at te mi ting to oring them iirco a coherent policy under Mao's theory of tve {hniity of op-nosites," vhich believes that it is -possible to reconcile these co-posing tendencies into a dynamic enuibrium through vhich both opnosites could be promoted at the same time although not to the same extent* la other words, the Chinese leaders conceive the dynamic equilibrium as a continuum between them in a mix in which one or the other orientation predominates in different •periods* Bins we might see China1 s conduct motivated in one period by mostly ideological considerations at the expense of the staire-to-state relations, then ve might see her policy in the middle of the continuum and suf ering from immo bill sine and just muddling through, or finally ?fe might see her emphasising friendly ties at the expense of support of revolutionary movements at the other extreme -point of the spectrum* !fhe mechanism vhich enables Peking to move from one pole to the other of the spectrum is activated by the following elementsJ (1) the result of an internal power struggle within the leadership in Peking between ideologically radical and moderate elements, which enables the victorious faction to initiate nev policies; (2) Peking's assessment of the changing intentions and capabilities of the major powers in the area; (3) internal changes within the countries of the area and the changing attitudes of their governments towards China; (4) changing fortunes of revolutionary movements operating in the area* 'Phe second major point of this study is an assertion that while China's conduct toward Southeast *lsia after her foundation in 1949 was primarily based upon ideological considerations, the beginning of the seventies saw the national interest reasserting itself as the leading motive factor* Thus China talks with her neighbours in Southeast asia in terms of relevance of fllong historical ties," casting herself into the role of a benevolent "older brother11 who is entitled to reopect and deference in exchange for patronage and protection* Hence the traditional echoes of the past are emerging ever stronger and influencing her postures towards the region, while the open support to revolutionary moevments is underplayed at the moment.