Uma análise de CP não expandido para o sistema de complementadores do Crioulo de Cabo Verde

A temática deste artigo recai sobre a chamada periferia esquerda da frase em crioulo de Cabo Verde (variante de Santiago – CCV), especificamente sobre o seu sistema de complementadores. À semelhança de outras línguas, o CCV exibe construções sintácticas que exigem a projecção do CP, cuja função é identificar/cunhar uma frase, na perspectiva da Hipótese de Cunhagem das Frases, de Cheng (1991). Concretamente, Cheng propõe que as línguas podem ser classificadas relativamente à forma como a cunhagem opera, i.e., através de Mover (e.g., inglês) ou de Merge (e.g., mandarim). Note-se, contudo, que algumas línguas exibem uma tipologia mista, como o árabe egípcio e o bahasa indonésio. Neste artigo, pretende-se (i) apresentar uma descrição dos elementos que podem ocorrer em Cº em CCV e (ii) propor uma análise baseada em traços formais que dê conta da distribuição dos complementadores do CCV, sem precisar de recorrer à hipótese do CP expandido, de Rizzi (1997).

WH-Constructions in Cape Verdean Creole

This dissertation concerns two types of wh-constructions – interrogative and relative clauses – of Cape Verdean Creole (CVC), a Portuguese-based Creole language spoken on the archipelago of Cape Verde, specifically the variety spoken on Santiago Island, in the coast of West Africa. Chapter 2 focus on some aspects of the syntax of CVC, claiming that the possibilities of S-V inversion are very limited and that verbs stay in Vº, except for the Present tense form of the copula verb e ‘to be’, which is the spell out of the formal feature [Present] of T. It is proposed that CVC exhibits a clause functional structure that is similar to English: [CP [TP [NegP [AspP [VP … ]]]]]. In this chapter, it is also suggested that a non Split-CP, based on the formal features [±D, ±V, ±Q, ±Wh, ±T], correctly accounts for the distribution of the complementizers in CVC. Chapter 3 presents the wh-question formation strategies exhibited by CVC, showing that some of them involve Move, while others do not. Considering CVC data, it is said that the language has two clausal typing processes: an ambiguous complementizer ki ([±Q, ±Wh]), whose checking domain is strictly local; and an unambiguous complementizer Ø ([+Q, +Wh]), whose checking domain is not strictly local. The first one derives fronted wh-questions and the second one accounts for wh-in- -situ. Chapter 4 describes the relativization strategies displayed by CVC, focusing on the fact that PP pied-piping is ruled out and that resumption is possible both inside and outside syntactic islands. It is suggested a revision of Bianchi’s (2002a) head raising analysis for the structure of relative clauses. Chapter 5 discusses the properties of the defective copy strategy ([wh[+PL] … el]) and presents evidence in favor of a distinction between this type of wh-strategy and resumption ([wh[+PL] … es]). It is argued that the language requires an overt pronominal form (3SG) to occur in the complement position of the preposition because CVC types the clause with a complementizer ki [uCat +D] and does not allow for preposition incorporation. The set of formal features of the lower copy is ‘shrinked’, i.e. the features are deleted but not erased, being accessible to PF. This analysis of the defective copy xiv strategy predicts that it only applies to PPs and that it is an autonomous process involving wh-movement, which is distinct from resumption.