WH-Constructions in Cape Verdean Creole

This dissertation concerns two types of wh-constructions – interrogative and relative clauses – of Cape Verdean Creole (CVC), a Portuguese-based Creole language spoken on the archipelago of Cape Verde, specifically the variety spoken on Santiago Island, in the coast of West Africa. Chapter 2 focus on some aspects of the syntax of CVC, claiming that the possibilities of S-V inversion are very limited and that verbs stay in Vº, except for the Present tense form of the copula verb e ‘to be’, which is the spell out of the formal feature [Present] of T. It is proposed that CVC exhibits a clause functional structure that is similar to English: [CP [TP [NegP [AspP [VP … ]]]]]. In this chapter, it is also suggested that a non Split-CP, based on the formal features [±D, ±V, ±Q, ±Wh, ±T], correctly accounts for the distribution of the complementizers in CVC. Chapter 3 presents the wh-question formation strategies exhibited by CVC, showing that some of them involve Move, while others do not. Considering CVC data, it is said that the language has two clausal typing processes: an ambiguous complementizer ki ([±Q, ±Wh]), whose checking domain is strictly local; and an unambiguous complementizer Ø ([+Q, +Wh]), whose checking domain is not strictly local. The first one derives fronted wh-questions and the second one accounts for wh-in- -situ. Chapter 4 describes the relativization strategies displayed by CVC, focusing on the fact that PP pied-piping is ruled out and that resumption is possible both inside and outside syntactic islands. It is suggested a revision of Bianchi’s (2002a) head raising analysis for the structure of relative clauses. Chapter 5 discusses the properties of the defective copy strategy ([wh[+PL] … el]) and presents evidence in favor of a distinction between this type of wh-strategy and resumption ([wh[+PL] … es]). It is argued that the language requires an overt pronominal form (3SG) to occur in the complement position of the preposition because CVC types the clause with a complementizer ki [uCat +D] and does not allow for preposition incorporation. The set of formal features of the lower copy is ‘shrinked’, i.e. the features are deleted but not erased, being accessible to PF. This analysis of the defective copy xiv strategy predicts that it only applies to PPs and that it is an autonomous process involving wh-movement, which is distinct from resumption.

Processos de relativização e marcadores relativos em crioulo de Cabo Verde

Segundo Comrie (1981:148), «a given language may have more than one type of relative clause construction in its over-all battery of relative clause formation possibilities. (…) The distribution of types within a language, however, is not completely arbitrary (…)». Dado que o Crioulo de Cabo Verde (CCV), variante de Santiago, se comporta desta maneira relativamente àquela área da gramática, a análise das orações relativas nesta língua de base lexical portuguesa assume uma importância acrescida quer descritivamente, quer tipologicamente. Deste modo, o artigo que se apresenta foca os seguintes tópicos da sintaxe de relativização do CCV: (i) Tipos de orações relativas em Crioulo de Cabo Verde (cf. secção 2.); (ii) Estratégias de relativização em CCV (cf. secção 2.); (iii) Natureza dos marcadores relativos em CCV (cf. secção 3.). As orações relativas diferem entre si relativamente a vários aspectos, sendo o resultado da interacção de factores sintácticos e semânticos. Cada tipo de oração relativa pode envolver uma ou mais estratégias de relativização, obedecendo a determinadas condições sintácticas, como se expõe no Quadro