China's 'Assertive’ South China Sea Policy And Rhetoric: Proactive, Reactive Or Myth?

In March 2010, Chinese State Councillor, Dai Bingguo, in a private meeting with US Deputy Secretary of State, James Steinberg, allegedly referred to the South China Sea (SCS) as one of the country’s ‘core interests’, a term normally only used to refer to regions like Taiwan, Tibet and Xinjiang upon whose sovereignty Beijing will make no compromises. This alleged wording by Mr Dai caused a strong global reaction, with many countries around the world expressing a fear that China, on the back of its rise to the status of the world's second largest economic power, was now about to implement a more assertive foreign policy more in keeping with its new status of global superpower. As the use of the term ‘core interest’ took place in a private meeting and appears to have been subsequently leaked, it is impossible to prove what was said or meant, yet in 2011, with China and the US continuing to eye each other with suspicion, the adverse repercussions of people trying to deduce what was meant are undeniable. By analysing the views of experts and the evolution or otherwise of Chinese rhetoric and policy towards the SCS, this thesis will show how the alleged use of a term in a private meeting can have consequences that far exceed what was originally intended. It will also show that it is highly unlikely that China’s maritime policy is becoming more assertive as, at China's present stage of social and economic development, it simply cannot afford the ill will and adverse consequences that would result from an act of international aggression. It will show how easy it seems to be for a country like the US to project a misleading image of another country’s intentions, which can in turn serve partially to mask its own intentions. Finally, it will show that the China’s stance on the SCS is starting to be seen by the world as a litmus test for the assertiveness of overall Chinese foreign policy.

Improving quality at the preanalytical phase of blood sampling : literature review

Julkaisumaa: 158 TW TWN Taiwan

“Development work thesis” as a tool for continuing professional education

Julkaisumaa: 158 TW TWN Taiwan

Taiwanin geopoliittinen asema

Taiwan on 1600-luvun jälkeen ollut usean hallinnon alaisuudessa. Eurooppalaisen, kiinalaiset, japanilaiset ja amerikkalaiset ovat vuosien saatossa kilpailleet saaren hallinnasta tai sen saamisesta omaan vaikutuspiiriin. Toisen maailmansodan jälkeistä aikaa Taiwanin historiassa on hallinnut Kiinan ja Yhdysvaltojen välinen valtakamppailu, joka on tänä päivänäkin yhtä kiistanalainen kuin kylmän sodan aikaan. Tutkimuksen tarkoituksena on selvittää, mikä on Taiwanin asema Yhdysvaltojen ja Kiinan välisessä geopoliittisessa kilpailussa. Taiwanin tilannetta käsitellään uuden geopolitiikan teorian avulla. Teorian perusoletus on se, että taloudellinen kilpailu on nykyaikaisessa maailmassa poliittista ja sotilaallista kilpailua merkityksellisempää. Tutkimusongelmaa lähdetään ratkaisemaan näiden kolmen kilpailumuodon kautta. Tutkimuksen perimmäisenä tarkoituksena on selittää, miksi Taiwan on tärkeä Yhdysvalloille ja Kiinalle. Tutkimuksessa havaittiin, että Taiwan on merkityksellinen Yhdysvalloille ja Kiinalle poliittisen kilpailun vuoksi. Valtiot ovat toisen maailmansodan jälkeisenä aikana sitouttaneet itsensä poliittisella retoriikalla ja lainsäädännöllä Taiwanin tilanteeseen. Yhdysvaltojen tarkoituksena on estää Kiinan nousu uhkaamaan sen alueellista ylivaltaa. Kiina taas haluaa korjata nöyryyden vuosisadan aiheuttaman vääryyden ja palauttaa maan suuruuden entiselleen.

Remembering the War and Aggression: A Discourse Analysis of Japan’s State Apologies and Commemoration Speeches on August 15th 1995-2015

Memories of historical injustices affect contemporary politics from local to global level. In East Asia, questions of commemoration and historical responsibility have turned into international and domestic controversies. The main focus has been and still is in apologies conducted by Japanese prime ministers in regards to the war, aggression and colonialism during the era of Imperial Japan. Although it is granted that state apologies are not a crucial part of reconciliation, they can be analysed as a linked but separate process within the context of memory and international relations. The purpose of this study is to examine the discourses of history in Japanese prime ministers’ commemoration speeches on Memorial Ceremony for the War Dead from 1995 to 2015 in order to analyse how the Japanese government is reflecting on its past. In particular, attention is paid on what is being commemorated and how, whether it is the war and its victims or Japan’s post-war era of peace. As an apology is a reciprocal activity, responses from Japan’s most vocal former victims, South Korea and China, were also examined. Discourse analysis was used to identify and examine the different representations of the past. In addition, the apology statements of Japanese prime ministers were analysed in the Many to Many apology framework developed by Tavuchis (1991). Primary material consisted of 21 prime ministers’ speeches from the annual Memorial Ceremony for the War Dead on August 15th and from three apology statements made in 1995, 2005 and 2015. Further international context was primarily collected from newspaper articles of The New York Times and The Times throughout the examined period. It can be concluded from the findings that in the official Japanese remembrance of the past war from 1985’s annexation of Taiwan to the atomic bombings in 1945, both discourses that reinforce apology and remorse over Japan’s past aggressions and discourses that consciously avoid doing so are used. The commemoration speeches and apology statements consistently assert that Japan has acknowledged its past and expresses regret over the acts of aggression. At the same time, the speeches and statements strengthen the narrative that Japan was a victim of circumstances as well as turn the focus on post-war peace-making or on Japan’s own victimhood.