Reading films through political classics : genres of politics in popular cultures

Abstract: Readin films through political classics

Poetikk og politikk : Augusto Boal og de undertryktes teater Poetics and Politics

Poetics and Politics. AugustoBoal and the Theatre of the Oppressed deals with the ideas and methods of the Brazilian author, director and theatre theorist Augusto Boal. The main purpose of the thesis is to give a description of what can be characterized as the poetics of Augusto Boal. What is the specific nature of his theatre methods and in what way do they differ from traditional theatre? How do these methods actually work? What is the overall intention of the Theatre of the Oppressed? As objects for my research I have selected Forum Theatre and Rainbow of Desire. The reason for this choice is partly that the two methods mentioned have become the most widespread among Boal's theatre forms, partly that they complement each other, the former being a method that works with problems of the material world, in realistic action-based narratives; the latter being an expressionistic analytical method, designed to deal with psychological problems and internalized oppression. Going from a micro- to a macro-level, I first examine the theatrical text of both forms, which in this case includes not only the verbal narrative, but also the performance itself and the setting of it, and even the implied conditions of the whole theatrical situation. Secondly, I turn to the encounter between the text and its actual recipient in the theatrical space. What happens, psychologically, when the observing, but passive spectator is turned into the actor of the play? Thirdly, I discuss the ideological and political implications of the Theatre ofthe Oppressed in real life. The way I interpret Boal's poetics, this is of vital importance. The purpose of the Theatre of the Oppressed is not anything resembling l'art pour l'art. In the contrary, its intention is to teach the oppressed the use of theatre as a martial art, so that they can fight and break the oppression in a social context of the real world. Thus the title Poetics and Politics.

The politics of multicultural encounters : feminist postcolonial perspectives

Det mångkulturella diskuteras livligt i den offentliga debatten idag. För att utveckla diskussionen är det viktigt att ta reda på vad som stöder bra mångkulturalism och vilka förutsättningar som finns för det mångkulturella i dagens Finland. Dessa frågor analyseras i Salla Tuoris doktorsavhandling "The politics of multicultural encounters. Feminist postcolonial perspectives." Avhandlingen behandlar hur det mångkulturella skapas i det så kallade "projektsamhället", det vill säga ett samhälle där en stor del av arbete organiseras i projekt. Studien baserar sig på fältarbete inom ett EU-finansierat sysselsättningsprojekt för invandrade kvinnor som pågick under 2002-2006 (och en bredare kontext av mångkulturellt arbete). Boken för en dialogen mellan feministiska postkoloniala analyser och vardagslivspolitiken. Studien belyser rasismens förekomst i Finland. Rasismen beskrivs ofta som baksidan av det mångkulturella, och den förknippas intimt med den invandring som skett sedan 1990-talet. Men rasism borde förstås som ett bredare fenomen, menar Tuori, det är mera än en medveten ideologi eller ett avsiktligt motiv. Arbetslivets diskriminerande strukturer samt sådan praxis i skolor, på arbetsplatser eller i grannskapet som leder till ojämställdhet, är också rasism. Det är viktigt att granska också hur expertis skapas inom det mångkulturella. Ett av studiens centrala bidrag är att lyssna på invandrares kunskap. I den etnografiska analysen framkommer att de invandrades kunskap inte alltid hörs, eller så uppfattas det inte som allmängiltig kunskap, utan som enskilda erfarenheter. Att inte lyssna kan leda till ojämställda praxis, utan att det nödvändigtvis innehåller en avsiktlig tanke att diskriminera. Studiet behandlar också möjligheter och betydelser av "empowerment" (bemäktigande, deltagande) i ett sysselsättningsprojekt. "Empowerment" förstås oftast som förstärkning av individers, ibland också gruppers, egen handlingsförmåga vilket leder till ökat handlingsutrymme. Begreppet används också inom socialpolitik och pedagogik. Som bäst fungerar "empowerment" som en kombination av förändrade yttre maktförhållanden och ökad personlig förmåga och då kan det vara ett verktyg för att stärka det mångkulturella samhället. Avhandlingen bidrar dessutom med ny kunskap om "projektsamhället" ur det enskilda projektets perspektiv. Det mångkulturella arbetet i Finland organiseras framförallt som projekt, vilket skapar strama tyglar för arbetet. Projekten ska svara mot det som finansiären anser vara viktiga tyngdpunkter och bearbeta sitt eget arbete därefter. Projektarbete innebär också ständiga rapporter, utvärderingar och "mainstreaming", vilket innebär att det administrativa får en förhållandevis stor roll i projekten. I det mångkulturella arbetet innebär detta att sysselsättningseffekten av själva projekten riktas framförallt till dem som arbetar med förvaltningen och inte de som arbetar med projektens huvudmål eller i själva projekten - och som oftast är finländare av finsk bakgrund.

Reagan's mythical America : towards a narrative theory of prophetic politics

Lectio praecursoria Tampereen yliopistossa 17.8.2010.

Exiles and Constituents: Baltic Refugees and American Cold War Politics, 1948- 1960

This dissertation explores the complicated relations between Estonian, Latvian, and Lithuanian postwar refugees and American foreign policymakers between 1948 and 1960. There were seemingly shared interests between the parties during the first decade of the Cold War. Generally, Eastern European refugees refused to recognize Soviet hegemony in their homelands, and American policy towards the Soviet bloc during the Truman and Eisenhower administrations sought to undermine the Kremlin’s standing in the region. More specifically, Baltic refugees and State Department officials sought to preserve the 1940 non-recognition policy towards the Soviet annexation of the Baltic States. I propose that despite the seemingly natural convergence of interests, the American experiment of constructing a State-Private network revolving around fostering relations with exile groups was fraught with difficulties. These difficulties ultimately undermined any ability that the United States might have had to liberate the Baltic States from the Soviet Union. As this dissertation demonstrates, Baltic exiles were primarily concerned with preserving a high level of political continuity to the interwar republics under the assumption that they would be able to regain their positions in liberated, democratic societies. American policymakers, however, were primarily concerned with maintaining the non-recognition policy, the framework in which all policy considerations were analyzed. I argue that these two motivating factors created unnecessary tensions in American policy towards the Baltic republics in the spheres of psychological warfare as well as exile unity in the United States and Europe. Despite these shortcomings, I argue that out of the exiles’ failings was born a generation of Baltic constituents that blurred the political legitimacy line between exiles who sought to return home and ethnic Americans who were loyal to the United States. These Baltic constituents played an important role in garnering the support of the United States Congress, starting in the 1950s, but became increasingly influential after the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, despite the seemingly less important role Eastern Europe played in the Cold War. The actions of the Baltic constituents not only prevented the Baltic question from being forever lost in the memory hole of history, but actually created enough political pressure on the State Department that it was impossible to alter the long-standing policy of not recognizing the Soviet annexation of the Baltic States.

Imagining a New Society: Public Painting as Politics in Postwar Finland

The thesis is the first comprehensive study on Finnish public painting, public artworks generally referred to as murals or monumental paintings. It focuses on the processes of production of public paintings during the post-WWII decades in Finland and the complex relationships between the political sphere and the production of art. The research studies the networks of agents involved in the production of public paintings. Besides the human agents—artists, assistants, commissioners and viewers—also public paintings were and are agents in the processes of production and in their environments. The research questions can be grouped into three overlapping series of questions: First, the research investigates the production public paintings: What kinds of public paintings were realised in postwar Finland—how, where, by whom and for what purposes? Second, it discusses the publicness of these paintings: How were public paintings defined, and what aspects characterised them as “public”? What was their relation to public space, public authorities, and audience? And third, it explores the politics of public paintings: the relationship between Finnish public painting, nationalism, and the memory of war. To answer these questions, extensive archival work has been performed, and over 200 public paintings have been documented around Finland. The research material has been studied in a sociological framework and in the context of the political and economic history of Finland, employing critical theories on public space and public art as well as theories on the building of nationalism, commemoration, memory, and forgetting. An important aim of this research was to open up a new field of study and position public painting within Finnish art history, from which it has been conspicuous by its absence. The research indicates that public painting was a significant genre of art in postwar Finland. The process of creating a national genre of public painting participated in the defining of municipal and state art politics in the country, and paintings functioned as vehicles of carrying out the agenda of the commissioning bodies. In the formation of municipal art policies in Finland in the 1950s, public painting connected to the same tendency of democratising art as the founding of public art museums. Public painting commissions also functioned as an arena of competition and a means of support for the artists. Public paintings were judged and commissioned within the realm of political decision-making, and they suggested the values of the decision-making groups, generally conveyed as the values of the society. The participation of official agents in the production allocated a position of official art to the genre. Through the material of this research, postwar public painting is seen as an agent in a society searching for a new identity. The postwar public painting production participated in the creation of the Finnish welfare society as indications of a humane society. It continued a tradition of public art production that had been built on nationalist and art educational ideologies in the late 19th and early 20th century. Postwar public paintings promoted the new national narrative of unification by creating an image of a homogeneous society with a harmonious communal life. The paintings laid out an image of Finnishness that was modern but rooted in the agrarian past, of a society that was based on hard work and provided for its members a good life. Postwar public painting was art with a mission, and it created an image of a society with a mission.

The multicultural moment : the history of the idea and politics of multiculturalism in Sweden in comparative, transnational and biographical context, 1964–1975

The emergence of the idea of multiculturalism in Swedish public discourse and social science in the latter half of the 1960s and introduction of official multiculturalism in 1975 constituted a major intellectual and political shift in the post-war history of Sweden. The ambition of the 1975 immigrant and minority policy to enable the preservation of ethno-cultural minorities and to create a positive attitude towards the new multicultural society among the majority population was also incorporated into Swedish cultural, educational and media policies. The rejection of assimilationism and the new commitment to ethno-cultural diversity, the multicultural moment, has earned Sweden a place on the list of the early adopters of official multiculturalism, together with Canada and Australia. This compilation thesis examines the origins and early post-war history of the idea of multiculturalism as well as the interplay between idea and politics in the shift from a public ideal of homogeneity to an ideal of multiculturalism in Sweden. It does so from a range of conceptual, comparative, transnational, and biographical perspectives. The thesis consists of an introduction (Part I) and four previously published studies (Part II). The primary research result of the thesis concerns the agency involved in the break-through and formal establishment of the idea of multiculturalism in Sweden. Actors such as ethnic activists, experts and officials were instrumental in the introduction and establishment of multiculturalism in Sweden, as they also had been in Canada and in Australia. These actors have, however, not previously been recognized and analysed as significant idea-makers and political agents in the case of Sweden. The intertwined connections between activists, social scientists, linguists, and officials facilitated the transfer of the idea of multiculturalism from a publically contested idea to public policy via the way of The Swedish Trade Union Confederation, academia and the Royal Commission of Immigration. The thesis furthermore shows that the political success of the idea of multiculturalism, such as it was within the limits of the universalist social democratic welfare state, was dependent on whom the claims-makers were, the status and positions they held, and the way the idea of multiculturalism was conceptualised and used. It was also dependent on the migratory context of labour immigration in the 1960s and 1970s and on whose behalf the advocates of multiculturalism made their claims. The majority of the labour immigrants were Finnish citizens from the former eastern half of the kingdom of Sweden who were net contributors to the Swedish welfare state. This facilitated the recognition of their ethno-cultural difference, and, following the logic of universalism, the ethno-cultural difference of other minority groups in Sweden. The historical significance of the multicultural moment is still evident in the contemporary immigration and integration policies of Sweden. The affirmation of diversity continues to set Sweden apart from the rest of Europe, now more so than in the 1970s, even though the migratory context has changed radically in the last 40 years.