Leniency - Kartellin ilmiantaminen ja seuraamusmaksusta vapautuminen tai sen alentaminen oikeustaloustieteellisestä näkökulmasta tarkasteltuna

The purpose of the study is to solve contents, functioning and potential improvements of European Union and Finlands leniency-system that is to say amnesty and reduction system from fines imposed from cartel activity. Law and economics was chosen as a research method, which has made possible to handle the subject in a comprehensive perspective. The study is based on literature, also legal cases, law and legislative history have been used as help. Leniency is a reasonably new system both in European Unions and in Finlands competition law. It makes possible to detect even secret cartels with the help of deterrent aimed at them. Companies experience the large amount of fines and the investigation concerning the cartel as big threats, therefore they all want to be the first one to report it in order to get full amnesty. However, this system needs improvements, for instance improving the transparency, unifying the European Unions leniency applications and finding answers to certain question concerning justice.

Lectio praecursoria: Environmental policy evaluation concepts exemplified in the context of the European Unions strategy for better regulation

Lectio praecursoria 3.2.2006 Tampereen yliopisto

Foodstuffs and medicines as legal categories in the EU and China. Functional foods as a borderline case

The thesis discusses the regulation of foodstuffs and medicines, and particularly the regulation of functional foods. Legal systems investigated are the EU and China. Both are members of the WTO and Codex Alimentarius, which binds European and Chinese rules together. The study uses three Chinese berries as case examples of how product development faces regulation in practice. The berries have traditional uses as herbal medicines. Europe and China have similar nutrition problems to be resolved, such as obesity, cardiovascular disease, and diabetes. The three berries might be suitable raw materials for functional foods. Consumer products with health-enhancing functions, such as lowering blood pressure, might legally be classifi ed either as foodstuffs or medicines. The classifi cation will depend on functions and presentation of the product. In our opinion, food and medicine regulation should come closer together so the classifi cation issue would no longer be an issue. Safety of both foodstuffs and medicines is strictly regulated. With medicines, safety is a more relative concept, where benefi ts of the product are compared to side-effects in thorough scientifi c tests and trials. Foods, on the other hand, are not allowed to have side-effects. Hygiene rules and rules on the use of chemicals apply. In China, food safety is currently at focus as China has had several severe food scandals. Newly developed foods are called novel foods, and are specifi cally regulated. The current European novel food regulation from 1997 treats traditional third country products as novel. The Chinese regulation of 2007 also defi nes novel foods as something unfamiliar to a Chinese consumer. The concepts of novel food thus serve a protectionist purpose. As regards marketing, foods are allowed to bear health claims, whereas medicines bear medicinal claims. The separation is legally strict: foods are not to be presented as having medicinal functions. European nutrition and health claim regulation exists since 2006. China also has its regulation on health foods, listing the permitted claims and how to substantiate them. Health claims are allowed only on health foods. The European rules on medicines include separate categories for herbal medicines, traditional herbal medicines, and homeopathic medicines, where there are differing requirements for scientifi c substantiation. The scientifi c and political grounds for the separate categories provoke criticism. At surface, the Chinese legal system seems similar to the European one. To facilitate trade, China has enacted modern laws. Laws are needed as the country moves from planned economy to market economy: ‘rule of law’ needs to replace ‘rule of man’. Instead of being citizens, Chinese people long were subordinates to the Emperor. Confucius himself advised to avoid confl ict. Still, Chinese people do not and cannot always trust the legal system, as laws are enforced in an inconsistent manner, and courts are weak. In China, there have been problems with confl icting national and local laws. In Europe, the competence of the EU vs. the competence of the Member States is still not resolved, even though the European Commission often states that free trade requires harmonisation. Food and medicine regulation is created by international organisations, food and medicine control agencies, standards agencies, companies and their organisations. Regulation can be divided in ‘hard law’ and ‘soft law’. One might claim that hard law is in crisis, as soft law is gaining importance. If law is out of fashion, regulation certainly isn’t. In the future, ‘law’ might mean a process where rules and incentives are created by states, NGOs, companies, consumers, and other stakeholders. ‘Law’ might thus refer to a constant negotiation between public and private actors. Legal principles such as transparency, equal treatment, and the right to be heard would still be important.

The Finnish Paper Workers' Union at a crossroads: Labor union representativeness in a changing environment, 1980-2008

This thesis consists of four articles and an introductory section. The main research questions in all the articles refer to the changes in the representativeness of the Finnish Paper Workers' Union. Representativeness stands for the entire entity of external, internal, legal and reputational factors that enable the labor union to represent its members and achieve its goals. This concept is based on an extensive reading of quantitative and qualitative industrial relations literature, which includes works based on Marxist labor-capital relations (such as Hyman's industrial relations studies), and more recent union density studies as well as gender- and ethnic diversity-based 'union revitalization' studies. Müller-Jentsch's German studies of industrial relations have been of particular importance as well as Streeck's industrial unionism and technology studies. The concept of representativeness is an attempt to combine the insights of these diverse strands of literature and bring the scientific discussion of labor unions back to the core of a union's function: representing its members. As such, it can be seen as a theoretical innovation. The concept helps to acknowledge both the heterogeneity of the membership and the totality of a labor union organization. The concept of representativeness aims to move beyond notions of 'power'. External representativeness can be expressed through the position of the labor union in the industrial relations system and the economy. Internal representativeness focuses on the aspects of labor unions that relate to the function of the union as an association with members, such as internal democracy. Legal representativeness lies in the formal legal position of the union – its rights and instruments. This includes collective bargaining legislation, co-decision rules and industrial conflict legislation. Reputational representativeness is related to how the union is seen by other actors and the general public, and can be approximated using data on strike activity. All these aspects of representativeness are path-dependent, and show the results of previous struggles over issues. The concept of representativeness goes beyond notions of labor union power and symbolizes an attempt to bring back the focus of industrial relations studies to the union's basic function of representing its members. The first article shows in detail the industrial conflict of the Finnish paper industry in 2005. The intended focus was the issue of gender in the negotiations over a new collective agreement, but the focal point of the industrial conflict was the issue of outsourcing and how this should be organized. Also, the issue of continuous shifts as an issue of working time was very important. The drawn-out conflict can be seen as a struggle over principles, and under pressure the labor union had to concede ground on the aforementioned issues. The article concludes that in this specific conflict, the union represented its' female members to a lesser extent, because the other issues took such priority. Furthermore, because of the substantive concessions. the union lost some of its internal representativeness, and the stubbornness of the union may have even harmed the reputation of the union. This article also includes an early version of the representativeness framework, through which this conflict is analyzed. The second article discusses wage developments, union density and collective bargaining within the context of representativeness. It is shown that the union has been able to secure substantial benefits for its members, regardless of declining employment. Collective agreements have often been based on centralized incomes policies, but the paper sector has not always joined these. Attention is furthermore paid to the changing competition of the General Assembly, with a surprisingly strong position of the Left Alliance still. In an attempt to replicate analysis of union density measures, an analysis of sectoral union density shows that similar factors as in aggregate data influence this measure, though – due to methodological issues – the results may not be robust. On this issue, it can be said that the method of analysis for aggregate union density is not suitable for sectoral union density analysis. The increasingly conflict-ridden industrial relations predicted have not actually materialized. The article concludes by asking whether the aim of ever-increasing wages is a sustainable one in the light of the pressures of globalization, though wage costs are a relatively small part of total costs. The third article discusses the history and use of outsourcing in the Finnish paper industry. It is shown using Hyman's framework of constituencies that over time, the perspective of the union changed from 'members of the Paper Workers' Union' to a more specific view of who is a core member of the union. Within the context of the industrial unionism that the union claims to practice, this is an important change. The article shows that the union more and more caters for a core group, while auxiliary personnel is less important to the union's identity and constituencies, which means that the union's internal representativeness has decreased. Maintenance workers are an exception; the union and employers have developed a rotating system that increases the efficient allocation of these employees. The core reason of the exceptional status of maintenance personnel is their high level of non-transferable skills. In the end it is debatable whether the compromise on outsourcing solves the challenges facing the industry. The fourth article shows diverging discourses within the union with regard to union-employer partnership for competitiveness improvements and instruments of local union representatives. In the collective agreement of 2008, the provision regulating wage effects of significant changes in the organization or content of work was thoroughly changed, though this mainly reflected decisions by the Labor Court on the pre-2008 version of the provision. This change laid bare the deep rift between the Social Democratic and Left Alliance (ex-Communist) factions of the union. The article argues that through the changed legal meaning of the provision, the union was able to transform concession bargaining into a basis for partnership. The internal discontent about this issue is nonetheless substantial and a threat to the unity of the union, both locally and at the union level. On the basis of the results of the articles, other factors influencing representativeness, such as technology and EU law and an overview of the main changes in the Finnish paper industry, it is concluded that, especially in recent years, the Finnish Paper Workers' Union has lost some of its representativeness. In particular, the loss of the efficiency of strikes is noted, the compromise on outsourcing which may have alienated a substantial part of the union's membership, and the change in the collective agreement of 2008 have caused this decline. In the latter case, the internal disunion on that issue shows the constraints of the union's internal democracy. Furthermore, the failure of the union to join the TEAM industrial union (by democratic means), the internal conflicts and a narrow focus on its own sector may also hurt the union in the future, as the paper industry in Finland is going through a structural change. None of these changes in representativeness would have been so drastic without the considerable pressure of globalization - in particular changing markets, changing technology and a loss of domestic investments to foreign investments, which in the end have benefited the corporations more than the Finnish employees of these corporations. Taken together, the union risks becoming socially irrelevant in time, though it will remain formally very strong on the basis of its institutional setting and financial situation.

Pursuing substantive participation in Russia : a perspective from international legal obligations and comparative law

Så som är fallet för många andra stater, kan vissa delar av den ryska förvaltningen ännu utvecklas för att till fullo uppfylla internationella standarder. Internationella fördragsorgan som övervakar förverkligandet i Ryssland av fördrag om mänskliga rättigheter framför ibland kritiska anmärkningar om den demokratiska utvecklingen i Ryssland. Enskilda fall där politiska rättigheter möjligen kränkts av ryska myndigheter har utan tvivel placerat Ryssland i fokus för internationell media. Exempel på sådana fall är mordet på journalisten Anna Politkovskaya, Sergei Magnitskys död i fängelse och fängslandet av medlemmarna i "Pussy Riot”. Likväl anser författaren av denna studie att politiska rättigheter i Ryssland förverkligas inom rimliga gränser och i enlighet med internationell människorättslagstiftning. Denna studie fokuserar på förverkligandet av den individuella rättigheten att delta i det politiska beslutsfattandet i Ryssland genom andra mekanismer för deltagande än val och folkomröstningar. Studien utgörs av en sammanställning av forskningsartiklar som har publicerats i olika internationella tidskrifter. Sammanställningen föregås av ett fristående inledande kapitel. Författaren koncentrerar sig på frågan om Rysslands invånare ges effektiva möjligheter att delta i handhavandet av allmänna angelägenheter och om det finns användbara rättsmedel till hands för skydd av de politiska rättigheterna. Författaren tar sig an en juridisk analys av rysk lagstiftning gällande olika sätt för direkt deltagande i beslutsfattande samt analyserar rättsfall angående direkt deltagande från domstolarna i Moskva, Perm Krai och Sverdlovsk Oblast. Denna studie använder sig även av en rättshistorisk infallsvinkel för att visa på den positiva dynamiken hos den historiska utvecklingen beträffande d e väsentligaste plattformarna för offentligt deltagande. Det bevisas att rysk lagstiftning som garanterar rätten att delta i beslutsfattande är väl utvecklad i enlighet med internationella människorättsfördrag, och att åtminstone domstolarna i de utvalda ryska områdena fattar beslut som stöder deltaganderättigheter som eventuellt kränkts av myndigheter inom den verkställande makten. Författaren kommer till den slutsatsen att de i denna studie inkluderade enskilda dokumenterade händelserna gällande administrativ felbehandling inte nödvändigtvis tillåter den direkta slutsatsen att det begås systematiska och grova kränkningar av medborgares deltaganderättigheter i Ryssland.

But in this twilight our choices seal our fate : the interplay autonomy and dignity in defining the international legal response to the beginning of life

Tutkielman aiheena on kansainvälisen oikeuden kysymys elämän alkamisesta ja elämän alkamisen ajankohdasta. Tutkielma lähestyy aihetta Yhdistyneiden kansakuntien lasten oikeuksien sopimuksen kolmannen lisäpöytäkirjan valossa. Astuessaan voimaan lisäpöytäkirja tulee mahdollistamaan yksilövalitusten käsittelyn erillisessä ihmisoikeuskomiteassa. Koska lasten oikeuksien sopimus jättää määrittelemättä elämän alkamisen ajankohdan, tutkielman perushypoteesina on, miten tuleva komitea ratkaisisi lasten oikeuksien sopimukseen jääneen jännitteen. Tämän hypoteesin ohella tutkielmaa suuntaa olettamus elämän alun määrittymisestä pitkälti oikeusperiaatteisiin rinnastuvien autonomian ja ihmisarvon käsitteiden kautta. Tutkielma lähestyy aihettaan sekä oikeuskäytännön että -kirjallisuuden valossa, sitoutumatta sen tarkemmin mihinkään yksittäiseen oikeustieteelliseen tutkimusmetodiin. Oikeuskäytännön kohdalla tarkastelu perustuu pääosin länsimaisten ylimpien oikeuksien antamille tuomioille kysymyksissä, jotka liittyvät elämän alkamisen tematiikkaan. Tämän ohella, rajatummin, käsitellään pohjoismaista elämän alun sääntelyä. Oikeuskäytännön sekä säädösten tarkastelun keskiössä on ennen kaikkea oikeudellinen argumentaatio sekä esiintuodun argumentaation jännitteisyys. Oikeuskäytännön pohjalta muotoutuu moniääninen ja usein kontekstisidonnainen kuva elämän alusta. Tämän oikeudellisen moniäänisyyden analyysi muodostaa tutkielman keskeisen sisällön. Autonomian ja ihmisarvon käsitteiden merkitystä oikeuskäytännön ja säädösten arvioinnille perustellaan tutkimuksessa yhtäältä niiden merkityksellä tuomioistuinten argumentaatiossa toisaalta periaatteiden saamalla tuella oikeustieteellisessä kirjallisuudessa. Tutkielma suhtautuu kriittisesti autonomian ja ihmisarvon käsitteisiin. Kriittisen luennan tarkoituksena on paljastaa oikeudellisen argumentaation sumeus ja sumeuden oikeudelliselle tulkinnalle aiheuttama epävarmuus. Tulkinnan epävarmuuden seurauksena myös vastaus elämän alulle näyttäytyy tutkielmassa ristiriitaisena ja osin perustelemattomana. Tutkielman keskeinen tulos on ennen kaikkea oikeuden jännitteiden tunnistamisessa sen lähestyessä elämän alun määrittelyä. Tutkielman tulosten pohjalta on mahdollista pyrkiä löytämään muotoutumassa olevan kansainvälisen oikeuden vastaus elämän alulle. Tuon vastauksen vakaus, perusteltavuus ja pysyvyys riippuvat siitä, miten onnistuneesti oikeudellinen argumentaatio kykenee yhdistämään yksilön autonomisen oikeuden päättää elämästään kollektiivin intressiin ylläpitää elämää.

Legal challenges for next generation science

Presentation at the Nordic Perspectives on Open Access and Open Science seminar, Helsinki, October 15, 2013

Open Environmental Information Upon Disclosure Request in China: The Paradox of Legal Mobilization

Taking a realist view that law is one form of politics, this dissertation studies the roles of citizens and organizations in mobilizing the law to request government agencies to disclose environmental information in China, and during this process, how the socio-legal field interacts with the political-legal sphere, and what changes have been brought about during their interactions. This work takes a socio-legal approach and applies methodologies of social science and legal analysis. It aims to understand the paradox of why and how citizens and entities have been invoking the law to access environmental information despite the fact that various obstacles exist and the effectiveness of the new mechanism of environmental information disclosure still remains low. The study is largely based on the 28 cases and eight surveys of environmental information disclosure requests collected by the author. The cases and surveys analysed in this dissertation all occurred between May 2008, when the OGI Regulations and the OEI Measures came into effect, and August 2012 when the case collection was completed. The findings of this study have shown that by invoking the rules of law made by the authorities to demand government agencies disclosing environmental information, the public, including citizens, organizations, law firms, and the media, have strategically created a repercussive pressure upon the authorities to act according to the law. While it is a top-down process that has established the mechanism of open government information in China, it is indeed the bottom-up activism of the public that makes it work. Citizens and organizations’ use of legal tactics to push government agencies to disclose environmental information have formed not only an end of accessing the information but more a means of making government agencies accountable to their legal obligations. Law has thus played a pivotal role in enabling citizen participation in the political process. Against the current situation in China that political campaigns, or politicization, from general election to collective actions, especially contentious actions, are still restrained or even repressed by the government, legal mobilization, or judicialization, that citizens and organizations use legal tactics to demand their rights and push government agencies to enforce the law, become de facto an alternative of political participation. During this process, legal actions have helped to strengthen the civil society, make government agencies act according to law, push back the political boundaries, and induce changes in the relationship between the state and the public. In the field of environmental information disclosure, citizens and organizations have formed a bottom-up social activism, though limited in scope, using the language of law, creating progressive social, legal and political changes. This study emphasizes that it is partial and incomplete to understand China’s transition only from the top-down policy-making and government administration; it is also important to observe it from the bottom-up perspective that in a realistic view law can be part of politics and legal mobilization, even when utterly apolitical, can help to achieve political aims as well. This study of legal mobilization in the field of environmental information disclosure also helps us to better understand the function of law: law is not only a tool for the authorities to regulate and control, but inevitably also a weapon for the public to demand government agencies to work towards their obligations stipulated by the laws issued by themselves.

‘Just how (re)usable is Research Data? A legal perspective’ - A poster summarizing the recommendations of the OpenAIRE legal and licensing study.

Poster at Open Repositories 2014, Helsinki, Finland, June 9-13, 2014

The European Union and Assembling Biofuel Development – topological investigations concerning the associations between law, policy and space

Biofuels for transport are a renewable source of energy that were once heralded as a solution to multiple problems associated with poor urban air quality, the overproduction of agricultural commodities, the energy security of the European Union (EU) and climate change. It was only after the Union had implemented an incentivizing framework of legal and political instruments for the production, trade and consumption of biofuels that the problems of weakening food security, environmental degradation and increasing greenhouse gases through land-use changes began to unfold. In other words, the difference between political aims for why biofuels are promoted and their consequences has grown – which is also recognized by the EU policy-makers. Therefore, the global networks of producing, trading and consuming biofuels may face a complete restructure if the European Commission accomplishes its pursuit to sideline crop-based biofuels after 2020. My aim with this dissertation is not only to trace the manifold evolutions of the instruments used by the Union to govern biofuels but also to reveal how this evolution has influenced the dynamics of biofuel development. Therefore, I study the ways the EU’s legal and political instruments of steering biofuels are coconstitutive with the globalized spaces of biofuel development. My analytical strategy can be outlined through three concepts. I use the term ‘assemblage’ to approach the operations of the loose entity of actors and non-human elements that are the constituents of multi-scalar and -sectorial biofuel development. ‘Topology’ refers to the spatiality of this European biofuel assemblage and its parts whose evolving relations are treated as the active constituents of space, instead of simply being located in space. I apply the concept of ‘nomosphere’ to characterize the framework of policies, laws and other instruments that the EU applies and construes while attempting to govern biofuels. Even though both the materials and methods vary in the independent articles, these three concepts characterize my analytical strategy that allows me to study law, policy and space associated with each other. The results of my examinations underscore the importance of the instruments of governance of the EU constituting and stabilizing the spaces of producing and, on the other hand, how topological ruptures in biofuel development have enforced the need to reform policies. This analysis maps the vast scope of actors that are influenced by the mechanism of EU biofuel governance and, what is more, shows how they are actively engaging in the Union’s institutional policy formulation. By examining the consequences of fast biofuel development that are spatially dislocated from the established spaces of producing, trading and consuming biofuels such as indirect land use changes, I unfold the processes not tackled by the instruments of the EU. Indeed, it is these spatially dislocated processes that have pushed the Commission construing a new type of governing biofuels: transferring the instruments of climate change mitigation to land-use policies. Although efficient in mitigating these dislocated consequences, these instruments have also created peculiar ontological scaffolding for governing biofuels. According to this mode of governance, the spatiality of biofuel development appears to be already determined and the agency that could dampen the negative consequences originating from land-use practices is treated as irrelevant.