More than Words? An Analysis on the Language and Structure of General Election Manifestos of the British Labour Party 1983-2005

The topic of this study is the language of the educational policies of the British Labour party in the General Election manifestos between the years 1983-2005. The twenty-year period studied has been a period of significant changes in world politics, and in British politics, especially for the Labour party. The emergence educational policy as a vote-winner of the manifestos of the nineties has been noteworthy. The aim of the thesis is two-fold: to look at the structure of the political manifesto as an example of genre writing and to analyze the content utilizing the approach of critical discourse analysis. Furthermore, the aim of this study is not to pinpoint policy positions but to look at what is the image that the Labour Party creates of itself through these manifestos. The analysis of the content is done by a method of close-reading. Based on the findings, the methodology for the analysis of the content was created. This study utilized methodological triangulation which means that the material is analyzed from several methodological aspects. The aspects used in this study are ones of lexical features (collocation, coordination, euphemisms, metaphors and naming), grammatical features (thematic roles, tense, aspect, voice and modal auxiliaries) and rhetoric (Burke, Toulmin and Perelman). From the analysis of the content a generic description is built. By looking at the lexical, grammatical and rhetorical features a clear change in language of the Labour Party can be detected. This change is foreshadowed already in the 1992 manifesto but culminates in the 1997 manifesto which would lead Labour to a landslide victory in the General Election. During this twenty-year period Labour has moved away from the old commitments and into the new sphere of “something for everybody”. The pervasiveness of promotional language and market inspired vocabulary into the sphere of manifesto writing is clear. The use of the metaphors seemed to be the tool for the creation of the image of the party represented through the manifestos. A limited generic description can be constructed from the findings based on the content and structure of the manifestos: especially more generic findings such as the use of the exclusive we, the lack of certain anatomical parts of argument structure, the use of the future tense and the present progressive aspect can shed light to the description of the genre of manifesto writing. While this study is only the beginning, it proves that the combination of looking at the lexical, grammatical and rhetorical features in the study of manifestos is a promising one.

Ympäristökeskustelun elinkaari Pariisin ilmastokokouksen aikaisessa Twitter-keskustelussa

Tämän kandidaatintyön tavoittena on perehtyä ympäristökeskustelun elinkaarimalliin ja selvittää sen paikkansapitävyys Pariisin ilmastokokouksen aikaisessa Twitter-keskustelussa. Työssä analysoidaan myös keskustelun tunnelmia, ja selvitetään millainen yleinen mielipide Twitterissä vaikutti Pariisin kokouksen aikana. Menetelminä työssä käytetään laadullista tutkimusta ja sisällönanalyysiä. Ympäristökeskustelun elinkaari koostuu viidestä vaiheesta, joita ovat latenssi, synty, kasvu, kypsyys ja taantuma. Vaiheet eroavat toisistaan keskustelun intensiteetin ja keskustelijoiden taustan perusteella. Aineiston perusteella Twitter-keskustelusta erottuu selkeästi elinkaaren vaiheet niin intensiteetin, kuin keskustelijoiden taustojen puolesta. Kerätystä aineistosta erottuu erilaisia tunnelmia, jotka jaetaan seuraavasti: odottava, innokas, epäilevä ja neutraali. Suurin osa tviiteistä kuuluu neutraaliin ryhmään, mikä selittyy Twitterin luonteella ja elinkaaren vaikutuksella. Tunnelmat vaihtelevat keskustelun elinkaaren aikana siten, että alkuun keskustelu on neutraalia, sitten odottavaa ja innokasta, lopuksi epäilevää ja jälleen neutraalia. Työn tulokset kertovat, että elinkaarimallia voidaan soveltaa myös sosiaalisen median keskusteluun. Jatkotutkimuksissa voidaan keskittyä teemojen määrälliseen tutkimukseen.

@titmeister Twitterissä. Henkilöbrändin rakentuminen Arman Alizadin Twitter-profiilissa.

Tutkielmassa perehdytään esiintyjänä ja tuottajana tunnetun Arman Alizadin henkilöbrändiin ja sen rakentumiseen hänen Twitter-profiilinsa kautta. Henkilöbrändäys voidaan tässä käsittää itsensä esilletuonnin strategiaksi, joka tähtää esimerkiksi näkyvyyden ja taloudellisen hyödyn saavuttamiseen. Tarkoitukseni on selvittää millaisena Alizadin henkilöbrändi Twitterissä näyttäytyy ja millaisia keinoja hän käyttää henkilöbrändinsä rakentamiseksi ja ylläpitämiseksi. Tarkastelen myös sitä, miten Alizadin henkilöbrändi suhteutuu henkilöbrändäykseen liitettyihin vaatimuksiin ja ominaisuuksiin. Lisäksi käsittelen henkilöbrändäyksen suhdetta työhön ja mediatyön murrokseen. Pohdin Alizadin ja hänen Twitter-seuraajiensa välistä vuorovaikutusta ja sen vaikutusta Alizadin henkilöbrändiin. Tutkimusaihettani kehystää mediakonvergenssin käsite, joka voidaan ymmärtää medioiden, tuottajien ja vastaanottajien lähentymisenä ja yhdentymisenä. Tutkielman aineisto koostuu Alizadin twiiteistä ja uudelleentwiittauksista kolmen kuukauden ajalta keväältä 2015. Aineisto on käyty läpi ja kategorisoitu käyttäen metodina sisällönanalyysia.

Une étude sociolinguistique sur la communication multilingue des deux commissaires européens sur Twitter

L’objectif de cette étude est d’examiner le discours des deux commissaires européens sur Twitter. L’étude se concentre à déterminer les langues principales du discours, la présence du dialogue multilingue et quelques caractéristiques des ressources utilisées par les participants. La recherche examine également les sujets du discours et le rôle des hashtags. Le corpus de l’étude consiste en 20 tweets par commissaire et ses réactions. La méthode de recherche est ethnographique. Le cadre théorique de l’étude se base sur la sociolinguistique de la globalisation (Blommaert, Heller) et les théories sur la communication médiée par l’ordinateur (Androutsopoulos). Les résultats de l’analyse montrent que les deux commissaires communiquent en plusieurs langues et les participants en introduisent encore plus dans leurs réactions. Il n’y a pas d’interaction entre les politiciens et les participants. La réflexivité métalinguistique est présente dans les réactions – les participants critiquent le choix de langue des commissaires. Ainsi, le choix de la langue des politiciens devient le sujet de la discussion. L’utilisation des pronoms je et nous dans le discours des politiciens fait également l’objet de la recherche. Les nous collectifs du corpus expriment surtout une collectivité professionnelle mais également une collectivité idéologique. Les sujets du discours des politiciens sont principalement liés à l’actualité de l’UE tandis que les participants introduisent surtout des sujets où les politiciens sont critiqués. En ce qui concerne les hashtags, deux catégories ont été identifiées : les hashtags qui ont comme objectif de faire le concept visible ou bien les hashtags qui ont comme but de guider les participants à interpréter le message d’une façon spécifique. L’étude montre également que le principe du multilinguisme n’est pas respecté par les politiciens sur Twitter. Pourtant, Twitter peut fournir une plate-forme égalitaire pour la discussion. Ainsi, il serait intéressant d’étudier Twitter du point de vue de l’égalité linguistique.

Siirtyminen C-kielestä Pythoniin ohjelmoinnin perusopetuksessa

Ohjelmointitaito on asia, jonka oppimisesta ja opettamisesta voidaan olla montaa mieltä, eikä yhtä oikeaa tapaa toteuttaa ohjelmoinnin opetusta tunnu olevan olemassa. Se on kuitenkin selvää, että jotkin menetelmät ja työkalut tuntuvat olevan parempia kuin toiset. Lukuvuoden 2005-2006 päätteeksi Lappeenrannan teknillinen yliopisto päätti päivittää ohjelmoinnin perusopetusta, ja kokeili siirtymistä Python-ohjelmointikieleen ohjelmoinnin alkeiskursseilla. Koska kurssin varsinaiset muutokset keskittyivät tekniseen infrastruktuuriin, tutustuttiin alustavassa kirjallisuustutkimuksessa ensin erilaisiin lähestymistapoihin,aiempiin tapauksiin sekä mielekkäiden työkalujen löytämiseen. Tässä diplomityössä perehdytään ohjelmoinnin opetuksen työkaluihin sekä erityisesti Python-ohjelmointikielen hyödyntämiseen ohjelmoinnin perusopetuksessa. Diplomityö esittelee useita lähestymistapoja sekä keskittyy tutkimaan Pythonin soveltuvuutta alkeisopetuksen käyttötarkoituksiin. Diplomityö tutustuu myös Lappeenrannassa järjestetyn ohjelmoinnin perusteiden kurssin tuloksiin, ja analysoi sitä, pystyikö Python-pohjainen kurssi toteuttamaan teknisen yliopiston sille asettamat vaatimukset. Lopuksi aineistosta analysoidaan jatkotutkimuksen tarpeita sekä pyritään löytämään ne osa-alueet, joita näissä jatkotutkimuksissa tulisi vielä kehittää.

Proportionality and Party Success in Europe

This thesis consists of four articles and an introductory section. The main research questions in all the articles are about proportionality and party success in Europe, at European, national or district levels. Proportionality in this thesis denotes the proximity of seat shares parties receive compared to their respective vote shares, after the electoral system’s allocation process. This proportionality can be measured through numerous indices that illustrate either the overall proportionality of an electoral system or a particular election. The correspondence of a single party’s seat shares to its vote shares can also be measured. The overall proportionality is essential in three of the articles (1, 2 and 4), where the system’s performance is studied by means of plots. In article 3, minority party success is measured by advantage-ratios that reveal single party’s winnings or losses in the votes to seat allocation process. The first article asks how proportional are the European parliamentary (EP) electoral systems, how do they compare with results gained from earlier studies and how do the EP electoral systems treat different sized parties. The reasons for different outcomes are looked for in explanations given by traditional electoral studies i.e. electoral system variables. The countries studied (EU15) apply electoral systems that vary in many important aspects, even though a certain amount of uniformity has been aspired to for decades. Since the electoral systems of the EP elections closely resemble the national elections, the same kinds of profiles emerge as in the national elections. The electoral systems indeed treat the parties differentially and six different profile types can be found. The counting method seems to somewhat determine the profile group, but the strongest variables determining the shape of a countries’ profile appears to be the average district magnitude and number of seats allocated to each country. The second article also focuses on overall proportionality performance of an electoral system, but here the focus is on the impact of electoral system changes. I have developed a new method of visualizing some previously used indices and some new indices for this purpose. The aim is to draw a comparable picture of these electoral systems’ changes and their effects. The cases, which illustrate this method, are four elections systems, where a change has occurred in one of the system variables, while the rest remained unchanged. The studied cases include the French, Greek and British European parliamentary systems and the Swedish national parliamentary system. The changed variables are electoral type (plurality changed to PR in the UK), magnitude (France splitting the nationwide district into eight smaller districts), legal threshold (Greece introducing a three percent threshold) and counting method (d’Hondt was changed to modified Sainte-Laguë in Sweden). The radar plots from elections after and before the changes are drawn for all country cases. When quantifying the change, the change in the plots area that is created has also been calculated. Using these radar plots we can observe that the change in electoral system type, magnitude, and also to some extent legal threshold had an effect on overall proportionality and accessibility for small parties, while the change between the two highest averages counting method had none. The third article studies the success minority parties have had in nine electoral systems in European heterogeneous countries. This article aims to add more motivation as to why we should care how different sized parties are treated by the electoral systems. Since many of the parties that aspire to represent minorities in European countries are small, the possibilities for small parties are highlighted. The theory of consociational (or power-sharing) democracy suggests that, in heterogeneous societies, a proportional electoral system will provide the fairest treatment of minority parties. The OSCE Lund Recommendations propose a number of electoral system features, which would improve minority representation. In this article some party variables, namely the unity of the minority parties and the geographical concentration of the minorities were included among possible explanations. The conclusions are that the central points affecting minority success were indeed these non-electoral system variables rather than the electoral system itself. Moreover, the size of the party was a major factor governing success in all the systems investigated; large parties benefited in all the studied electoral systems. In the fourth article the proportionality profiles are again applied, but this time to district level results in Finnish parliamentary elections. The level of proportionality distortion is also studied by way of indices. The average magnitudes during the studied periodrange from 7.5 to 26.2 in the Finnish electoral districts and this opens up unequal opportunities for parties in different districts and affects the shape of the profiles. The intra-country case allows the focus to be placed on the effect of district magnitude, since all other electoral systems are kept constant in an intra-country study. The time span in the study is from 1962 to 2007, i.e. the time that the districts have largely been the same geographically. The plots and indices tell the same story, district magnitude and electoral alliances matter. The district magnitude is connected to the overall proportionality of the electoral districts according to both indices, and the profiles are, as expected, also closer to perfect proportionality in large districts. Alliances have helped some small parties to gain a much higher seat share than their respective vote share and these successes affect some of the profiles. The profiles also show a consistent pattern of benefits for the small parties who ally with the larger parties.

Distribution and role of macrophytes in coastal lagoons : implications of critical shifts

Crossroads, crucibles and refuges are three words that may describe natural coastal lagoon environments. The words refer to the complex mix of marine and terrestrial influences, prolonged dilution due to the semi-enclosed nature and the function of a habitat for highly diverse plant and animal communities, some of which are endangered. To attain a realistic picture of the present situation, high vulnerability to anthropogenic impact should be added to the description. As the sea floor in coastal lagoons is usually entirely photic, macrophyte primary production is accentuated compared with open sea environments. There is, however, a lack of proper knowledge on the importance of vegetation for the general functioning of coastal lagoon ecosystems. The aim of this thesis is to assess the role of macrophyte diversity, cover and species identity over temporal and spatial scales for lagoon functions, and to determine which steering factors primarily restrict the qualitative and quantitative composition of vegetation in coastal lagoons. The results are linked to patterns of related trophic levels and the indicative potential of vegetation for assessment of general conditions in coastal lagoons is evaluated. This thesis includes five field studies conducted in flads and glo-flads in the brackish water northern Baltic Sea. Flads and glo-flads are defined as a Baltic variety of coastal lagoons, which due to an inlet threshold and post-glacial landuplift slowly will be isolated from the open sea. This process shrinks inlet size, increases exposure and water retention, and is called habitat isolation. The studied coastal lagoons are situated in the archipelago areas of the eastern coast of Sweden, the Åland Islands and the south-west mainland of Finland, where land-uplift amounts to ca. 5 mm/ per year. Out of 400 evaluated sites, a total of 70 lagoons varying in inlet size, archipelago position and anthropogenic influence to cover for essential environmental variation were chosen for further inventory. Vegetation composition, cover and richness were measured together with several hydrographic and morphometric variables in the lagoons both seasonally and inter-annually to cover for general regional, local and temporal patterns influencing lagoon and vegetation development. On smaller species-level scale, the effects of macrophyte species identity and richness for the fish habitat function were studied by examining the influence of plant interaction on juvenile fish diversity. Thus, the active election of plant monoand polycultures by fish and the diversity of fish in the respective culture were examined and related to plant height and water depth. The lagoons and vegetation composition were found to experience a regime shift initiated by increased habitat isolation along with land-uplift. Vegetation composition altered, richness decreased and cover increased forming a less isolated and more isolated regime, named the vascular plant regime and charophyte regime, respectively according to the dominant vegetation. As total phosphorus in the water, turbidity and the impact of regional influences decreased in parallel, the dominance of charophytes and increasing cover seemed to buffer and stabilize conditions in the charophyte regime and indicated an increased functional role of vegetation for the lagoon ecosystem. The regime pattern was unaffected by geographical differences, while strong anthropogenic impact seemed to distort the pattern due to loss of especially Chara tomentosa L. in the charophyte regime. The regimes were further found unperturbed by short-time temporal fluctuations. In fact the seasonal and inter-annual dynamics reinforced the functional difference between the regimes by the increasing role of vegetation along habitat isolation and the resemblance to lake environments for the charophyte regime. For instance, greater total phosphorus and chlorophyll a concentrations in the water in the beginning of the season in the charophyte regime compared with the vascular plant regime presented a steeper reduction to even lower values than in the vascular plant regime along the season. Despite a regional importance and positive relationship of macrophyte diversity in relation to trophic diversity, species identity was underlined in the results of this thesis, especially with decreasing spatial scale. This result was supported partly by the increased role of charophytes in the functioning of the charophyte regime, but even more explicitly by the species-specific preference of juvenile fish for tall macrophyte monocultures. On a smaller species-level scale, tall plant species in monoculture seemed to be able to increase their length, indicating that negative selection forms preferred habitat structures, which increase fish diversity. This negative relationship between plant and fish diversity suggest a shift in diversity patterns among trohic levels on smaller scale. Thus, as diversity patterns seem complex and diverge among spatial scales, it might be ambiguous to extend the understanding of diversity relationships from one trophic level to the other. All together, the regime shift described here presents similarities to the regime development in marine lagoon environments and shallow lakes subjected to nutrient enrichment. However, due to nutrient buffering by vegetation with increased isolation and water retention as a consequence of the inlet threshold, the development seems opposite to the course along an eutrophication gradient described in marine lagoons lacking an inlet threshold, where the role of vegetation decreases. Thus, the results imply devastating consequences of inlet dredging (decreasing isolation) in terms of vegetation loss and nutrient release, and call for increased conservational supervision. Especially the red listed charophytes would suffer negatively from such interference and the consequences are likely to also deteriorate juvenile fish production. The fact that a new species to Finland, Chara connivens Salzm. Ex. Braun 1835 was discovered during this study further indicates a potential of the lagoons serving as refuges for rare species.

Sosiaalisen median mahdollisuudet ja riskit puolustusvoimissa

Sosiaalinen media on uusi ilmiö, jonka käyttö on erittäin yleistä. Tärkeä osa ilmiötä on vuorovaikutteisuus. Myös useat eri maiden sotilasorganisaatiot käyttävät sosiaalista mediaa. Tutkimuksessa tutkittiin sosiaalista mediaa sotilaallisesta näkökulmasta painopisteenä maineenhallinta. Tutkimuksen tarkoituksena oli löytää sosiaalisen mediaan liittyviä riskejä ja mahdollisuuksia. Tutkimus on kvalitatiivinen tutkimus, jossa menetelmänä käytettiin teoriaohjaavaa sisällönanalyysiä. Tutkimuksessa tutkittiin seuraavia sosiaalisia medioita: Facebook, Twitter, YouTube ja blogit. Johtopäätöksenä voidaan todeta, että puolustusvoimille sosiaalisen median käyttö tarjoaa hyvän välineen tiedonhankintaan. Se mahdollistaa myös kansalaisten keskuudessa käytävien, puolustusvoimiin liittyvien keskustelujen seuraamisen siellä missä niitä käydään. Sosiaalisen median sisältöön vaikuttaminen ei ole puolustusvoimien hallinnassa tai päätettävissä, mutta osallistumalla siihen haluttua sanomaa voidaan viedä oikeaan suuntaan ja ohjata kävijöitä puolustusvoimat.fi sivustolle. Editoimattoman ja muun kuin ammattilaisen kuvaaman materiaalin käyttöönottoa tulee harkita. Sosiaalisen media käyttöön liittyy eritasoisia riskejä, mutta osa niistä on hyväksyttävissä. Sosiaalisen median mahdollisuuksia ei voi ymmärtää, jollei sitä käytä. Jos sitä käyttää, täytyy ymmärtää siihen liittyvät riskit. Puolustusvoimista tehtyjä televisiosarjoja ei hyödynnetä johdonmukaisesti. Sarjoista käytävä keskustelu tapahtuu puolustusvoimien ulkopuolella. Sosiaalista mediaa tultaneen käyttämään tulevaisuudessa yhä enemmän mitä erilaisimmissa käyttötarkoituksissa. Puolustusvoimat ei voi olla ulkona tästä kehityksestä. Kaikki suomalaiset eivät käytä sosiaalista mediaa. Yhdenvertaisuuden nimissä tulee heille tuottaa informaatiota perinteisin keinoin.

Sosiaalinen media markkinointiviestinnän välineenä presidentinvaalikampanjassa

Vuoden 2012 presidentinvaalit veivät sosiaalisen median käytön politiikassa aivan uudelle tasolle. Tässä tutkimuksessa kohteena onkin Vihreän Liiton ehdokkaan Pekka Haaviston vaalikampanja, joka painottui vahvasti sosiaalisen median ympäristöön. Empirian tarkoituksena on ymmärtää, miten sosiaalista mediaa hyödyntämällä Haavisto onnistuttiin nostamaan altavastaajan roolista toiseksi potentiaaliseksi presidenttiehdokkaaksi Sauli Niinistön kanssa. Empiirisen tutkimuksen tueksi käydään tutkimuksessa ensin läpi aihetta syvemmin valottavia teorioita ja aiemmin tehtyjä tutkimuksia markkinointiviestinnän, markkinointiviestintäkampanjan sekä sosiaalisen median alueilta.

Open Environmental Information Upon Disclosure Request in China: The Paradox of Legal Mobilization

Taking a realist view that law is one form of politics, this dissertation studies the roles of citizens and organizations in mobilizing the law to request government agencies to disclose environmental information in China, and during this process, how the socio-legal field interacts with the political-legal sphere, and what changes have been brought about during their interactions. This work takes a socio-legal approach and applies methodologies of social science and legal analysis. It aims to understand the paradox of why and how citizens and entities have been invoking the law to access environmental information despite the fact that various obstacles exist and the effectiveness of the new mechanism of environmental information disclosure still remains low. The study is largely based on the 28 cases and eight surveys of environmental information disclosure requests collected by the author. The cases and surveys analysed in this dissertation all occurred between May 2008, when the OGI Regulations and the OEI Measures came into effect, and August 2012 when the case collection was completed. The findings of this study have shown that by invoking the rules of law made by the authorities to demand government agencies disclosing environmental information, the public, including citizens, organizations, law firms, and the media, have strategically created a repercussive pressure upon the authorities to act according to the law. While it is a top-down process that has established the mechanism of open government information in China, it is indeed the bottom-up activism of the public that makes it work. Citizens and organizations’ use of legal tactics to push government agencies to disclose environmental information have formed not only an end of accessing the information but more a means of making government agencies accountable to their legal obligations. Law has thus played a pivotal role in enabling citizen participation in the political process. Against the current situation in China that political campaigns, or politicization, from general election to collective actions, especially contentious actions, are still restrained or even repressed by the government, legal mobilization, or judicialization, that citizens and organizations use legal tactics to demand their rights and push government agencies to enforce the law, become de facto an alternative of political participation. During this process, legal actions have helped to strengthen the civil society, make government agencies act according to law, push back the political boundaries, and induce changes in the relationship between the state and the public. In the field of environmental information disclosure, citizens and organizations have formed a bottom-up social activism, though limited in scope, using the language of law, creating progressive social, legal and political changes. This study emphasizes that it is partial and incomplete to understand China’s transition only from the top-down policy-making and government administration; it is also important to observe it from the bottom-up perspective that in a realistic view law can be part of politics and legal mobilization, even when utterly apolitical, can help to achieve political aims as well. This study of legal mobilization in the field of environmental information disclosure also helps us to better understand the function of law: law is not only a tool for the authorities to regulate and control, but inevitably also a weapon for the public to demand government agencies to work towards their obligations stipulated by the laws issued by themselves.