Liminal Monster and the Conflict Between Human and Machine: The Shrike in Dan Simmons’ Hyperion and The Fall of Hyperion

Tarkastelen tutkielmassani Dan Simmonsin kaksiosaista tieteisfiktioteosta, joka koostuu romaaneista Hyperion ja The Fall of Hyperion. Keskityn teoksissa esiintyvään Shrike-hirviöön, joka edustaa ihmiskunnan pelkäämää potentiaalista konfliktia ihmisten ja koneiden välillä. Pelko ja konflikti ovat keskeisiä teemoja paitsi tieteisfiktiossa, myös hirviöteoksissa yleensä, ja näiden kahden käyttö samassa kertomuksessa luo otolliset edellytykset nyky-yhteiskunnan ahdistusten kuvaamiseen. Hirviöitä ja tieteisfiktiota on tätä nykyä tutkittu melko laajalti, mutta Shrike on aiemmin jäänyt vähälle huomiolle. Lähtökohtaisen teoreettisen viitekehyksen tutkimukselleni ovat luoneet Jeffrey Cohenin Monster Theory: Reading Culture, Stephen Asman On Monsters: An Unnatural History of Our Worst Fears sekä Holly Lynn Baumgartnerin ja Roger Davisin At the Interface: Hosting the Monster. Teoksista kokoamani hirviöteorian kautta tarkastelen sitä, miten Shriken puoliksi orgaaninen ja puoliksi keinotekoinen keho heijastaa niitä romaaneissa esiintyviä osa-alueita, joista tulevaisuudenpelko ja ihmisten ja koneiden väliseen konfliktin uhka koostuu. Koska Shrike on puoliksi orgaaninen ja puoliksi keinotekoinen, se on näiden ominaisuuksien kynnyksellä; tässä risteytyneessä kehossa yhdistyvät molemmat ääripäät, jolloin tämä keho myös symboloi osapuolten välistä konfliktia. Konfliktin lisäksi Shrike ilmentää niitä vastakkaisuuksia, joista ihmisten ja koneiden välisen konfliktin pelko rakentuu: itseyttä ja toiseutta, houkuttelevuutta ja luotaantyöntävyyttä, menneisyyttä ja tulevaisuutta sekä utopiaa ja dystopiaa.

Let Go and Remember. How Finnish Communities Experienced and Memorialized School Shootings

This study examines the aftermath of mass violence in local communities. Two rampage school shootings that occurred in Finland are analyzed and compared to examine the ways in which communities experience, make sense of, and recover from sudden acts of mass violence. The studied cases took place at Jokela High School, in southern Finland, and at a polytechnic university in Kauhajoki, in western Finland, in 2007 and 2008 respectively. Including the perpetrators, 20 people lost their lives in these shootings. These incidents are part of the global school shooting phenomenon with increasing numbers of incidents occurring in the last two decades, mostly in North America and Europe. The dynamic of solidarity and conflict is one of the main themes of this study. It builds upon previous research on mass violence and disasters which suggests that solidarity increases after a crisis, and that this increase is often followed by conflict in the affected communities. This dissertation also draws from theoretical discussions on remembering, narrating, and commemorating traumatic incidents, as well as the idea of a cultural trauma process in which the origins and consequences of traumas are negotiated alongside collective identities. Memorialization practices and narratives about what happened are vital parts of the social memory of crises and disasters, and their inclusive and exclusive characteristics are discussed in this study. The data include two types of qualitative interviews; focused interviews with 11 crisis workers, and focused, narrative interviews with 21 residents of Jokela and 22 residents of Kauhajoki. A quantitative mail survey of the Jokela population (N=330) provided data used in one of the research articles. The results indicate that both communities experienced a process of simultaneous solidarity and conflict after the shootings. In Jokela, the community was constructed as a victim, and public expressions of solidarity and memorialization were promoted as part of the recovery process. In Kauhajoki, the community was portrayed as an incidental site of mass violence, and public expressions of solidarity by distant witnesses were labeled as unnecessary and often criticized. However, after the shooting, the community was somewhat united in its desire to avoid victimization and a prolonged liminal period. This can be understood as a more modest and invisible process of “silent solidarity”. The processes of enforced solidarity were partly made possible by exclusion. In some accounts, the family of the perpetrator in Jokela was excluded from the community. In Kauhajoki, the whole incident was externalized. In both communities, this exclusion included associating the shooting events, certain places, and certain individuals with the concept of evil, which helped to understand and explain the inconceivable incidents. Differences concerning appropriate emotional orientations, memorialization practices and the pace of the recovery created conflict in both communities. In Jokela, attitudes towards the perpetrator and his family were also a source of friction. Traditional gender roles regarding the expression of emotions remained fairly stable after the school shootings, but in an exceptional situation, conflicting interpretations arose concerning how men and women should express emotion. The results from the Jokela community also suggest that while increased solidarity was seen as important part of the recovery process, some negative effects such as collective guilt, group divisions, and stigmatization also emerged. Based on the results, two simultaneous strategies that took place after mass violence were identified; one was a process of fast-paced normalization, and the other was that of memorialization. Both strategies are ways to restore the feeling of security shattered by violent incidents. The Jokela community emphasized remembering while the Kauhajoki community turned more to the normalization strategy. Both strategies have positive and negative consequences. It is important to note that the tendency to memorialize is not the only way of expressing solidarity, as fast normalization includes its own kind of solidarity and helps prevent the negative consequences of intense solidarity.