Effect of glycine and alanine supplementation on development of cattle embryo cultured in CR1aa medium with or without cumulus cells

Selostus: Glysiinin ja alaniinin vaikutus CR1aa-liuoksessa viljeltyyn kumulussolullisen ja -soluttoman naudanalkion kehitykseen

Finnish embryo transfer breeding program "ASMO" : description of the goals and a summary of the results of initial selection

Selostus: Alkionsiirtojalostusohjelma "ASMO", sen tavoitteet ja yhteenveto alkuvalinnan tuloksista

Reading films through political classics : genres of politics in popular cultures

Abstract: Readin films through political classics

Poetikk og politikk : Augusto Boal og de undertryktes teater Poetics and Politics

Poetics and Politics. AugustoBoal and the Theatre of the Oppressed deals with the ideas and methods of the Brazilian author, director and theatre theorist Augusto Boal. The main purpose of the thesis is to give a description of what can be characterized as the poetics of Augusto Boal. What is the specific nature of his theatre methods and in what way do they differ from traditional theatre? How do these methods actually work? What is the overall intention of the Theatre of the Oppressed? As objects for my research I have selected Forum Theatre and Rainbow of Desire. The reason for this choice is partly that the two methods mentioned have become the most widespread among Boal's theatre forms, partly that they complement each other, the former being a method that works with problems of the material world, in realistic action-based narratives; the latter being an expressionistic analytical method, designed to deal with psychological problems and internalized oppression. Going from a micro- to a macro-level, I first examine the theatrical text of both forms, which in this case includes not only the verbal narrative, but also the performance itself and the setting of it, and even the implied conditions of the whole theatrical situation. Secondly, I turn to the encounter between the text and its actual recipient in the theatrical space. What happens, psychologically, when the observing, but passive spectator is turned into the actor of the play? Thirdly, I discuss the ideological and political implications of the Theatre ofthe Oppressed in real life. The way I interpret Boal's poetics, this is of vital importance. The purpose of the Theatre of the Oppressed is not anything resembling l'art pour l'art. In the contrary, its intention is to teach the oppressed the use of theatre as a martial art, so that they can fight and break the oppression in a social context of the real world. Thus the title Poetics and Politics.

The politics of multicultural encounters : feminist postcolonial perspectives

Det mångkulturella diskuteras livligt i den offentliga debatten idag. För att utveckla diskussionen är det viktigt att ta reda på vad som stöder bra mångkulturalism och vilka förutsättningar som finns för det mångkulturella i dagens Finland. Dessa frågor analyseras i Salla Tuoris doktorsavhandling "The politics of multicultural encounters. Feminist postcolonial perspectives." Avhandlingen behandlar hur det mångkulturella skapas i det så kallade "projektsamhället", det vill säga ett samhälle där en stor del av arbete organiseras i projekt. Studien baserar sig på fältarbete inom ett EU-finansierat sysselsättningsprojekt för invandrade kvinnor som pågick under 2002-2006 (och en bredare kontext av mångkulturellt arbete). Boken för en dialogen mellan feministiska postkoloniala analyser och vardagslivspolitiken. Studien belyser rasismens förekomst i Finland. Rasismen beskrivs ofta som baksidan av det mångkulturella, och den förknippas intimt med den invandring som skett sedan 1990-talet. Men rasism borde förstås som ett bredare fenomen, menar Tuori, det är mera än en medveten ideologi eller ett avsiktligt motiv. Arbetslivets diskriminerande strukturer samt sådan praxis i skolor, på arbetsplatser eller i grannskapet som leder till ojämställdhet, är också rasism. Det är viktigt att granska också hur expertis skapas inom det mångkulturella. Ett av studiens centrala bidrag är att lyssna på invandrares kunskap. I den etnografiska analysen framkommer att de invandrades kunskap inte alltid hörs, eller så uppfattas det inte som allmängiltig kunskap, utan som enskilda erfarenheter. Att inte lyssna kan leda till ojämställda praxis, utan att det nödvändigtvis innehåller en avsiktlig tanke att diskriminera. Studiet behandlar också möjligheter och betydelser av "empowerment" (bemäktigande, deltagande) i ett sysselsättningsprojekt. "Empowerment" förstås oftast som förstärkning av individers, ibland också gruppers, egen handlingsförmåga vilket leder till ökat handlingsutrymme. Begreppet används också inom socialpolitik och pedagogik. Som bäst fungerar "empowerment" som en kombination av förändrade yttre maktförhållanden och ökad personlig förmåga och då kan det vara ett verktyg för att stärka det mångkulturella samhället. Avhandlingen bidrar dessutom med ny kunskap om "projektsamhället" ur det enskilda projektets perspektiv. Det mångkulturella arbetet i Finland organiseras framförallt som projekt, vilket skapar strama tyglar för arbetet. Projekten ska svara mot det som finansiären anser vara viktiga tyngdpunkter och bearbeta sitt eget arbete därefter. Projektarbete innebär också ständiga rapporter, utvärderingar och "mainstreaming", vilket innebär att det administrativa får en förhållandevis stor roll i projekten. I det mångkulturella arbetet innebär detta att sysselsättningseffekten av själva projekten riktas framförallt till dem som arbetar med förvaltningen och inte de som arbetar med projektens huvudmål eller i själva projekten - och som oftast är finländare av finsk bakgrund.

Reagan's mythical America : towards a narrative theory of prophetic politics

Lectio praecursoria Tampereen yliopistossa 17.8.2010.

Exiles and Constituents: Baltic Refugees and American Cold War Politics, 1948- 1960

This dissertation explores the complicated relations between Estonian, Latvian, and Lithuanian postwar refugees and American foreign policymakers between 1948 and 1960. There were seemingly shared interests between the parties during the first decade of the Cold War. Generally, Eastern European refugees refused to recognize Soviet hegemony in their homelands, and American policy towards the Soviet bloc during the Truman and Eisenhower administrations sought to undermine the Kremlin’s standing in the region. More specifically, Baltic refugees and State Department officials sought to preserve the 1940 non-recognition policy towards the Soviet annexation of the Baltic States. I propose that despite the seemingly natural convergence of interests, the American experiment of constructing a State-Private network revolving around fostering relations with exile groups was fraught with difficulties. These difficulties ultimately undermined any ability that the United States might have had to liberate the Baltic States from the Soviet Union. As this dissertation demonstrates, Baltic exiles were primarily concerned with preserving a high level of political continuity to the interwar republics under the assumption that they would be able to regain their positions in liberated, democratic societies. American policymakers, however, were primarily concerned with maintaining the non-recognition policy, the framework in which all policy considerations were analyzed. I argue that these two motivating factors created unnecessary tensions in American policy towards the Baltic republics in the spheres of psychological warfare as well as exile unity in the United States and Europe. Despite these shortcomings, I argue that out of the exiles’ failings was born a generation of Baltic constituents that blurred the political legitimacy line between exiles who sought to return home and ethnic Americans who were loyal to the United States. These Baltic constituents played an important role in garnering the support of the United States Congress, starting in the 1950s, but became increasingly influential after the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, despite the seemingly less important role Eastern Europe played in the Cold War. The actions of the Baltic constituents not only prevented the Baltic question from being forever lost in the memory hole of history, but actually created enough political pressure on the State Department that it was impossible to alter the long-standing policy of not recognizing the Soviet annexation of the Baltic States.