27 resultados para Philosophical Discourse


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Tutkielmassa analysoidaan kolmen internetsivuston uutisartikkeleita kielitieteen näkökulmasta. Tavoitteena on selvittää esiintyykö internetsivustojen BBC, CNN ja Fox News uutisoinnissa politiikkaan liittyviä ennakkoasenteita tai puolueellisuuksia ja miten ne käytännössä näkyvät uutisartikkeleiden kielessä. Kriittiseen diskurssianalyysiin pohjautuen tutkielma esittelee jokaisen uutissivuston taustaan (esimerkiksi rakenteeseen ja rahoitukseen) liittyviä seikkoja sekä mediadiskurssiin ja politiikkaan liittyvät taustatiedot, jolla taataan Norman Fairclough'n kolmivaiheisen menetelmän mahdollisimman perusteellinen toteuttaminen. Uutissivustoja analysoidaan kriittiselle diskurssianalyysille sopivan funktionaalisen kieliopin ja muiden lingvististen välineiden avulla. Koko aineiston (404 artikkelia) otsikot analysoidaan ensin, minkä jälkeen analysoidaan yhdeksän kokonaista artikkelia kolmeen eri aihealueeseen liittyen niin, että jokaiselta internetsivustolta analysoidaan yksi artikkeli jokaista aihetta kohden. Analyysikeinoina käytetään ensisijaisesti systeemis-funktionaalisen kieliopin tekstuaalisen metafunktion välineitä (thematic structure). Myös ideationaalisen metafunktion välineitä (transitivity), referenssiketjuja (referential identity chains) ja leksikaalista analyysia käytetään hyväksi. Lähtökohtaisesti tavoitteena on analysoida uutissivustoja vertailevasti, jolloin analyysin tulokset ovat paremmin havainnoitavissa ja perusteltavissa. Hypoteesi aikaisempien tutkimusten ja yleisen mielikuvan perusteella on, että CNN uutisoi demokraattipuolueelle ja Fox News taas republikaanipuolueelle edulliseen sävyyn. Tutkimustulokset vaihtelivat hypoteesia tukevista ja sen vastaisista tuloksista niihin, jotka eivät olleet tarpeeksi tuettuja kumpaankaan suuntaan. Vahvimmat tulokset ovat kuitenkin hypoteesia tukevia, joten tässä tutkielmassa todetaan, ettei uutisointi ole puolueetonta ainakaan näiden kolmen internetsivuston kohdalla. Lisäksi muutaman aihealueen kohdalla uutisointi on niin toistuvaa tietystä näkökulmasta, että luonnollistumisteorian mukaista aatteiden luonnollistumista saattaa tapahtua. Tutkielmassa käytettyjen menetelmien menestyksen perusteella suositellaan, että tekstuaalisen metafunktion analyysivälineitä käytetään enemmän. Lisäksi suositellaan meta-analyysin harkitsemista, jotta voitaisiin selvittää, mitkä analyysimetodit parhaiten sopivat minkäkinlaisen aineiston analysointiin.

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From Bildung to Civilisation. Conception of Culture in J. V. Snellman’s Historical Thinking The research explores Johan Vilhelm Snellman’s (1806–1881) conception of culture in the context of his historical thinking. Snellman was a Finnish, Swedish-speaking journalist, teacher and thinker, who held a central position in the Finnish national discourse during the nineteenth century. He has been considered as one of the leading theorists of a Finnish nation, writing widely about the themes such as the advancement of the national education, Finnish language and culture. Snellman is already a widely studied person in Finnish intellectual history, often characterised as a follower of G. W. F. Hegel’s philosophical system. My own research introduces a new kind of approach on Snellman’s texts, emphasising the conceptual level of his thought. With this approach, my aim is to broaden the Finnish research tradition on conceptual history. I consider my study as a cultural history of concepts, belonging also to the field of intellectual history. My focus is on one hand on the close reading of Snellman’s texts and on the other hand on contextualising his texts to the European intellectual tradition of the time. A key concept of Snellman’s theoretical thinking is his concept of bildning, which can be considered as a Swedish counterpart of the German concept of Bildung. The Swedish word incorporated all the main elements of the German concept. It could mean education or the so-called high culture, but most fundamentally it was about the self-formation of the individual. This is also the context in which Snellman’s concept of bildning has often been interpreted. In the study, I use the concept of bildning as a starting point of my research but I broaden my focus on the cognate concepts such as culture (kultur), spirit (anda) and civilisation. The purpose of my study is thus to illustrate how Snellman used and modified these concepts and from these observations to draw a conclusion about the nature of his conception of culture. Snellman was an early Finnish philosopher of history but also interested in the practice of the writing of history. He did not write any historical presentations himself but followed the publications in the field of history and introduced European historical writing to the Finnish, Swedish-speaking reading audience in his newspapers. The primary source material consists of different types of Snellman’s texts, including philosophical writings, lecture material, newspaper articles and private letters. I’m reading Snellman’s texts in the context of other texts produced both by his Finnish predecessors and contemporaries and by Swedish, German and French writers. Snellman’s principal philosophical works, Versuch einer spekulativen Entwicklung der Idee der Persönlichkeit (1841) and Läran om staten (1842), were both written abroad. Both of the works were contributions to contemporary debates on the international level, especially in Germany and Sweden. During the 1840s and 1850s Snellman had two newspapers of his own, Saima and Litteraturblad, which were directed towards the Swedish-speaking educated class. Both of the newspapers were very popular and their circulations were among the largest of their day in Finland. The topics of his articles and reviews covered literature, poetry, philosophy and education as well as issues concerning the economic, industrial and technical development in Finland. In his newspapers Snellman not only brought forth his own ideas but also spread the knowledge of European events and ideas to his readers. He followed very carefully the cultural and political situation in Western Europe. He also followed European magazines and newspapers and was well acquainted with German, French and also English literature – and of course Swedish literature to with which he had the closest ties. In his newspapers Snellman wrote countless number of literary reviews and critics, introducing his readers to European literature. The study consists of three main chapters in which I explore my research question in three different, yet overlapping contexts. In the first of these chapters, I analyse Snellman’n theoretical thinking and his concepts of bildning, kultur, anda and civilisation in the context of earlier cultural discourse in Finland as well as the tradition of German idealistic philosophy and neo-humanism. With the Finnish cultural discourse I refer to the early cultural discussion in Finland, which emerged after the year 1809, when Finland became an autonomous entity of its own as a Grand Duchy of Russia. Scholars of the Academy of Turku opened a discussion on the themes such as the state of national consciousness, the need for national education and the development of the Finnish language as a national language of Finland. Many of these academics were also Snellman’s teachers in the early years of his academic career and Snellman clearly formulated his own ideas in the footsteps of these Finnish predecessors. In his theoretical thinking Snellman was a collectivist; according to him an individual should always be understood in connection with the society, its values and manners, as well as to the traditions of a culture where an individual belongs to. In his philosophy of the human spirit Snellman was in many ways a Hegelian but his notion of education or ‘bildning’ includes also elements that connect him with the wider tradition of German intellectual history, namely the neo-humanist tradition and, at least to some extent, to the terminology of J. G. Herder or J. G. Fichte, for example. In this chapter, I also explore Snellman’s theory of history. In his historical thinking Snellman was an idealist, believing in the historical development of the human spirit (Geist in German language). One can characterise his theory of history by stating that it is a mixture of a Hegelian triumph of the spirit and Herderian emphasis on humanity (Humanität) and the relative nature of ‘Bildung’. For Snellman, the process of ‘bildning’ or ‘Bildung’ is being realised in historical development through the actions of human beings. Snellman believed in the historical development of the human civilization. Still Snellman himself considered that he had abandoned Hegel’s idea about the process of world history. Snellman – rightly or wrongly – criticised Hegel of emphasising the universal end of history (the realisation of the freedom of spirit) at the expense of the historical plurality and the freedom of each historical era. Snellman accused Hegel of neglecting the value and independency of different historical cultures and periods by imposing the abstract norm, the fulfilment of the freedom of spirit, as the ultimate goal of history. The historicist in Snellman believed in the individuality of each historical period; each historical era or culture had values, traditions and modes of thought of its own. This historicist in Snellman could not accept the talk about one measure or the end of history. On the other hand Snellman was also a universalist. He believed that mankind had a common task and that task was the development of ‘Bildung’, freedom or humanity. The second main chapter consists of two parts. In the first part, I explore the Finnish nationalistic discourse from the cultural point of view by analysing the notions such as a nation, national spirit or national language and showing how Snellman formulated his own ideas in a dialogic situation, participating in the Finnish discourse but also reacting to international discussions on the themes of the nation and nationality. For Snellman nationality was to a great extent the collective knowledge and customs or practices of the nation. Snellman stated that nationality is to be considered as a form of ‘bildning’. This could be seen not simply as affection for the fatherland but also for the mental identity of the nation, its ways of thinking, its practices, national language, customs and laws, the history of the nation. The simplest definition of nationality that Snellman gives is that nationality is the social life of the people. In the second part of the chapter I exam Snellman’s historical thinking and his understanding about historical development, interaction between different nations and cultures in the course of history, as well as the question of historical change; how do cultures or civilisations develop and who are the creators of culture? Snellman did not believe in one dominating culture but understood the course of history as a dialogue between different cultures. On the other hand, his views are very Eurocentric – here he follows the ideas of Hegel or for example the French historian François Guizot – for Snellman Europe represented the virtue of pluralism; in Europe one could see the diversity of cultures which, on the other hand, were fundamentally based on a common Christian tradition. In the third main chapter, my focus is on the writing of history, more precisely on Snellman’s ideas on the nature of history as a science and on the proper way of writing historical presentations. Snellman wrote critics on the works of history and introduced his readers to the writing of history especially in France, Sweden and German-speaking area – in some extend also in Britain. Snellman’s collectivistic view becomes evident also in his reviews on historical writing. For Snellman history was not about the actions of the states and their heads, nor about the records of ruling families and battles fought. He repeatedly stressed that history is a discipline that seeks to provide a total view of a phenomenon. A historian should not only collect information on historical events, since this information touches only the surface of a certain epoch or civilisation; he has to understand an epoch as totality. This required an understanding about the major contours in history, connections between civilisations and an awareness of significant turning points in historical development. In addition, it required a holistic understanding about a certain culture or historical era, including also the so-called inner life of a specific nation, a common people and their ways of life. Snellman wrote explicitly about ‘cultural history’ in his texts, referring to this kind of broad understanding of a society. In historical writing Snellman found this kind of broader view from the works of the French historians such as François Guizot and Jules Michelet. In all of these chapters, I elaborate the conceptual dimension of Snellman’s historical thinking. In my study I argue that Snellman not only adopted the German concepts of Bildung or Kultur in his own thinking but also developed the Swedish concepts in a way that include personal and innovative aspects. Snellman’s concept of bildning is not only a translation from ‘Bildung’ but he uses the Swedish concept in a versatile way that includes both the moral aspect of human development and social dimension of a human life. Along with ‘bildning’ Snellman used also the terms ‘kultur’ and ‘civilisation’ when referring to the totality of a certain nation or historical era, including both the so-called high culture (arts, science, religion) and the modes of thought as well as ways of life of the people as a whole. Unlike many of his Finnish contemporaries, Snellman did not use civilisation as a negative concept, lacking the moral essence of German term ‘Bildung’ or ‘Kultur’. Instead, for Snellman civilisation was a neutral term and here he comes close to the French tradition of using the term. In the study I argue that Snellman’s conception of culture in fact includes a synthesis of the German tradition of ‘Bildung’ and the French tradition of ‘civilisation’.

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Kirjallisuusarvostelu

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Ett element som har intresserat forskarna av fornengelska sedan början av filologiska studier är adverbet þa ’då’, som är högfrekvent i många berättande texter. Utöver ordföjldsregeln enligt vilken satsinitialt þa följs av omvänd ordföljd, finns det redan tidigt kommentarer om användningen av þa för emfas, livlighet och konnektivitet. Även om sådana karakteriseringar tar den textuella kontexten i beaktande, är deras fokus inte på diskursfunktioner utan på satsgrammatik. Denna avhandling betraktar användningen av þa från diskursstrukturens perspektiv och undersöker dess funktioner i markeringen av berättelsens huvudlinje (eng. grounding), kohesiva kontinuiter (eng. continuities), samt vändpunkter och spänning (eng. peak, tension) i texten. I stället för att fokusera på bara en funktion som har associerats med þa, undersöks denna frekventa element från olika perspektiv. Genom både kvantitativa och kvalitativa analyser av narrativt material, visar de inkluderade delstudierna att detta ord spelar en viktig roll i struktureringen av fornengelska berättelser. Parallellt med kärnfunktionen att markera berättelsens huvudlinje, används þa i samspel med andra strukturerande element för att uttrycka den hierarkiska strukturen och spänning i berättelsen. Jämförelser med andra uttryck av temporal kontinuitet visar att þa skiljer sig från dem i sina användningsmönster, vilket vidare bekräftar dess status som en narrativ diskursmarkör.

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Poster at Open Repositories 2014, Helsinki, Finland, June 9-13, 2014

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In 2006 UPM was able to gain a level of social legitimacy that allowed it to carry out one of the largest industrial restructuring programmes in Finnish industrial history, shut down major operations in Finland and still appear to be functioning in the interests of the nation as well as itself. This study considers and examines various contexts of this shutdown with the aim of demonstrating how profoundly mediated such organizational events are though they appear to be produced primarily through strategic company decisions. The study aims to examine the processes of mediation at two levels. At one level, through close analysis of press releases and newspaper reports in local and national newspapers, the study presents a discursive analysis of the Voikkaa case. The discursive analysis focuses on providing historical contexts for understanding why this organizational event was also an occasion for reimagining the past and future of the Finnish nation; spatial contexts for understanding the differing struggles over the meaning of the event nationally and regionally; and the temporal dynamics of the media reports. At another level, the study considers and refines methods for reading and analyzing mediation in organization studies. Bringing together recent research of media text–based legitimation studies, emerging research on organizational memory and organizational death and a Foucaultian analytics of power, this work suggests that organizational research needs to be less concerned with particular typologies and narratives of shutdowns, and more curious about the processes of mediation through which organizational events are imagined and remembered.

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Negotiating trade agreements is an important part of government trade policies, economic planning and part of the globally operating trading system of today. European Union and the United States have been active in the formation of trade agreements in global comparison. Now these two economic giants are engaged in negotiations to form their own trade agreement, the so called Transnational Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). The purpose of this thesis is to understand the reasons for making a trade agreement between two economic areas and understanding the issues it may include in the case of the TTIP. The TTIP has received a great deal of attention in the media. The opinions towards the partnership have been extreme, and the debate has been heated. The purpose of this study is to introduce the nature of the public discussion regarding the TTIP from Spring 2013 until 2014. The research problem is to find out what are the main issues in the agreement and what are the values influencing them. The study was conducted applying methods of critical discourse analysis to the chosen data. This includes gathering the issues from the data based on the attention each has received in the discussion. The underlying motives for raising different issues were analysed by investigating the authors’ position in the political, economic and social circuits. The perceived economic impacts of the TTIP are also under analysis with the same criteria. Some of the most respected economic newspapers globally were included in the research material as well as papers or reports published by the EU and global organisations. The analysis indicates a clear dichotomy of the attitudes towards the TTIP. Key problems include lack of transparency in the negotiations, the misunderstood investor-state dispute settlement, the constantly expanding regulatory issues and the risk of protectionism. The theory and data does suggest that the removal of tariffs is an effective tool for reaching economic gains in the TTIP and even more effective would be the reducing of non-tariff barriers, such as protectionism. Critics are worried over the rising influence of corporations over governments. The discourse analysis reveals that the supporters of the TTIP have values related to increasing welfare through economic growth. Critics do not deny the economic benefits but raise the question of inequality as a consequence. Overall they represent softer values such as sustainable development and democracy as a counter-attack to the corporate values of efficiency and the maximising of profits.

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The main purpose of this study was to describe and evaluate nursing students' learning about an empowering discourse in patient education. In Phase 1, the purpose was to describe an empowering discourse between a nurse and a patient. In Phase 2, the purpose was first to create a computer simulation program of an empowering discourse based on the description, and second, the purpose was to evaluate nursing students’ learning of how to conduct an empowering discourse using a computer simulation program. The ultimate goal was to strengthen the knowledge basis on empowering discourse and to develop nursing students’ knowledge about how to conduct an empowering discourse for the development of patient education. In Phase I, empowering discourse was described using a systematic literature review with a metasummary technique (n=15). Data were collected covering a period from January 1995 to October 2005. In Phase 2, the computer simulation program of empowering discourse was created based the description in 2006–2007. A descriptive comparative design was used to evaluate students’ (n=69) process of learning empowering discourse using the computer simulation program and a pretest–post-test design without a control group was used to evaluate students’ (n=43) outcomes of learning. Data were collected in 2007. Empowering discourse was a structured process and it was possible to simulate and learned with the computer simulation program. According to students’ knowledge, empowering discourse was an unstructured process. Process of learning empowering discourse using the computer simulation program was controlled by the students and it changed students’ knowledge. The outcomes of learning empowering discourse appeared as changes of students’ knowledge to more holistic and better-organized or only to more holistic or better-organized. The study strengthened knowledge base of empowering discourse and developed students to more knowledgeable in empowering discourse.

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Pro gradu -tutkielma käsittelee Kanadan poliisivoimien, Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), vuoden 2014 operationaalista raporttia Kanadan kadonneista ja murhatuista alkuperäiskansojen naisista. Heitä katoaa ja murhataan Kanadassa suhteessa huomattavasti enemmän kuin muita naisia. Aihe on hyvin ajankohtainen sekä kriittinen ja siihen on paikallisten organisaatioiden lisäksi kiinnittänyt huomiota mm. Amnesty International ja Yhdistyneet Kansakunnat. Tilannetta pidetään jo ihmisoikeuskriisinä ja sen puolesta puhuminen voidaan nähdä osana laajempaa kansannousua alkuperäiskansojen oikeuksien puolesta. Kanadan hallitusta sekä poliisivoimia on syytetty välinpitämättömyydestä ja rasismista, poliiseja jopa väkivallasta alkuperäiskansojen naisia kohtaan. Kanadan hallitus ei myönnä ongelman olevan sosiologinen ilmiö, vaan pääministerin mukaan naisten katoamiset ja murhat ovat yksittäisiä rikoksia. Tilanteen taustalla on laajempi ongelma, joka juontaa juurensa kolonialismista, alkuperäiskansojen pakkokoulutuksesta ja heidän kulttuurinsa sekä identiteettinsä tuhoamisesta. Ennakkoluulot ja stereotypiat elävät yhä vahvana luoden heikon aseman alkuperäiskansojen edustajille ja tässä tapauksessa erityisesti naisille, joita myös usein syytetään omista ongelmistaan. Tutkielma selvittää, onko tämä operationaalinen raportti eriarvoisuutta, stereotypioita sekä ennakkoluuloja ylläpitävä ja tukeeko se näkemystä sosiologisesta ilmiöstä. Poliisivoimat ovat yhteiskunnassa vaikutusvaltaisessa asemassa ja voivat edesauttaa, jatkaa ja voimistaa syrjivää ajattelua, käytöstä ja viestintää. Vaikka he myös ajavat alkuperäiskansojen etuja, tulee heidän toimintaansa ja täten tätä kyseistä raporttia tarkastella kriittisesti. Tutkielma keskittyy kriittiseen diskurssianalyysiin (Fairclough 1995, Wodak & Meyer 2009). Raportin teksti ei ole avoimesti diskriminoivaa ja keskittyy tilastojen ja lukujen raportointiin sekä vertailuun, luoden samalla kuvan asianomaisista sekä tilanteesta yleisesti. Makroanalyysi (van Dijk 1977, 1980) mahdollistaa korkeamman tason ajatusten ja ideoiden esille tuonnin paljastaen ns. rivien välistä löytyvän viestinnän. Näistä makroanalyysin tuloksista etsitään erilaisia diskurssistrategioita (Reisigl & Wodak 2001), joiden avulla luodaan mm. kuva positiivisesta itsestä ja negatiivisesta toisesta. Näitä tuloksia tuetaan lyhyellä multimodaalisella analyysillä, joka keskittyy lähinnä raportin kahteen kuvaan (Kress & van Leeuwen 2006). Lopuksi tuloksista keskustellaan suhteessa yhteiskunnan valtasuhteisiin (Foucault 1976), rasismiin ja seksismiin. Analyysin perusteella raportti on selkeästi diskriminoiva. Se tuo esiin vanhoja stereotypioita ja ennakkoluuloja, esittää tilanteen alkuperäiskansojen sisäisenä ongelmana, jättää mainitsematta tilanteen taustat ja luo hyvin positiivisen kuvan poliisivoimista (RCMP). Tällä tavoin se ylläpitää yhteiskunnan epätasapainoisia valtasuhteita ja alkuperäiskansojen naisten heikompaa ja marginalisoitua asemaa. Raportti todistaa kuinka syvällä Kanadan yhteiskunnassa jopa institutionaalisella tasolla nämä ajatukset piilevät, sillä diskriminaatio ulottuu tapausten syistä niiden käsittelyyn ja raportointiin. Tilanne on huolestuttava ja voidaan nähdä sosiologisena ilmiönä. Poliisivoimien tulisi lisätä sisäistä koulutusta asian suhteen sekä hallituksen tutkia tätä ilmiönä ja paneutua sen selvittämiseen laaja-alaisesti ja läpinäkyvästi.

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The fall of 2013 could be characterized as a crossroad in the geopolitics of Eastern Europe, namely Ukraine. Two rivalry geopolitical projects have been developing throughout the post-Cold War years, and it seems that they reached a collision point in Ukraine; a country whose authorities have been for long switching sides between the European Union and the Russian Federation in their foreign policy commitments. The refusal/postponing to sign the Association Agreement with Brussels, an expected event by a large category of the Ukrainian society, by Yanukovich’s government led to the outset of the latter; and brought a pro-Western, anti-Russian government in Kyiv. It seems that Ukraine, after those events, has embarked definitively on the path of integration into the West (European Union and possibly NATO). The Russian Federation, who has been throughout Putin’s years engaged into the re-integration of post-Soviet space, reacted to these developments in an assertive manner by violating borders, agreements and the territorial integrity of Ukraine. Thus, the incorporation of the Crimea into the Russian Federation is the first in its kind in the post-Soviet space, despite the existence of various other conflicts that broke out in the region after the Soviet Union broke up. I will investigate in this thesis the nature of what will be labelled, in this work, the Crimean issue. I argue that the incorporation of the Crimean peninsula into the Russian Federation marks a new era in Russian geopolitical thinking that shapes, to a far extent, Russian foreign policy. Discourse analysis will be the methodological basis for this study, with a special focus on Michel Foucault’s Archaeology of Knowledge. The innovation that this research brings is the fact that it discusses Russian geopolitical discourse within the scope of Foucault’s ‘discursive tree’, with a reference to the Crimean issue. A wide range of primary sources will be consulted in this study such as presidential addresses to the Federal Assembly (2000-2014), Foreign Policy Concepts of the Russian Federation (2000, 2008), Russian maritime doctrines, as wells as Dugin’s Osnovy Geopolitiki (Foundations of Geopolitics), Mahan’s (The Influence of Sea Power Upon History, 1660–1783) and other Eurasianism related literature.

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Pro gradu -tutkielma käsittelee Kanadan poliisivoimien, Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), vuoden 2014 operationaalista raporttia Kanadan kadonneista ja murhatuista alkuperäiskansojen naisista. Heitä katoaa ja murhataan Kanadassa suhteessa huomattavasti enemmän kuin muita naisia. Aihe on hyvin ajankohtainen sekä kriittinen ja siihen on paikallisten organisaatioiden lisäksi kiinnittänyt huomiota mm. Amnesty International ja Yhdistyneet Kansakunnat. Tilannetta pidetään jo ihmisoikeuskriisinä ja sen puolesta puhuminen voidaan nähdä osana laajempaa kansannousua alkuperäiskansojen oikeuksien puolesta. Kanadan hallitusta sekä poliisivoimia on syytetty välinpitämättömyydestä ja rasismista, poliiseja jopa väkivallasta alkuperäiskansojen naisia kohtaan. Kanadan hallitus ei myönnä ongelman olevan sosiologinen ilmiö, vaan pääministerin mukaan naisten katoamiset ja murhat ovat yksittäisiä rikoksia. Tilanteen taustalla on laajempi ongelma, joka juontaa juurensa kolonialismista, alkuperäiskansojen pakkokoulutuksesta ja heidän kulttuurinsa sekä identiteettinsä tuhoamisesta. Ennakkoluulot ja stereotypiat elävät yhä vahvana luoden heikon aseman alkuperäiskansojen edustajille ja tässä tapauksessa erityisesti naisille, joita myös usein syytetään omista ongelmistaan. Tutkielma selvittää, onko tämä operationaalinen raportti eriarvoisuutta, stereotypioita sekä ennakkoluuloja ylläpitävä ja tukeeko se näkemystä sosiologisesta ilmiöstä. Poliisivoimat ovat yhteiskunnassa vaikutusvaltaisessa asemassa ja voivat edesauttaa, jatkaa ja voimistaa syrjivää ajattelua, käytöstä ja viestintää. Vaikka he myös ajavat alkuperäiskansojen etuja, tulee heidän toimintaansa ja täten tätä kyseistä raporttia tarkastella kriittisesti. Tutkielma keskittyy kriittiseen diskurssianalyysiin (Fairclough 1995, Wodak & Meyer 2009). Raportin teksti ei ole avoimesti diskriminoivaa ja keskittyy tilastojen ja lukujen raportointiin sekä vertailuun, luoden samalla kuvan asianomaisista sekä tilanteesta yleisesti. Makroanalyysi (van Dijk 1977, 1980) mahdollistaa korkeamman tason ajatusten ja ideoiden esille tuonnin paljastaen ns. rivien välistä löytyvän viestinnän. Näistä makroanalyysin tuloksista etsitään erilaisia diskurssistrategioita (Reisigl & Wodak 2001), joiden avulla luodaan mm. kuva positiivisesta itsestä ja negatiivisesta toisesta. Näitä tuloksia tuetaan lyhyellä multimodaalisella analyysillä, joka keskittyy lähinnä raportin kahteen kuvaan (Kress & van Leeuwen 2006). Lopuksi tuloksista keskustellaan suhteessa yhteiskunnan valtasuhteisiin (Foucault 1976), rasismiin ja seksismiin. Analyysin perusteella raportti on selkeästi diskriminoiva. Se tuo esiin vanhoja stereotypioita ja ennakkoluuloja, esittää tilanteen alkuperäiskansojen sisäisenä ongelmana, jättää mainitsematta tilanteen taustat ja luo hyvin positiivisen kuvan poliisivoimista (RCMP). Tällä tavoin se ylläpitää yhteiskunnan epätasapainoisia valtasuhteita ja alkuperäiskansojen naisten heikompaa ja marginalisoitua asemaa. Raportti todistaa kuinka syvällä Kanadan yhteiskunnassa jopa institutionaalisella tasolla nämä ajatukset piilevät, sillä diskriminaatio ulottuu tapausten syistä niiden käsittelyyn ja raportointiin. Tilanne on huolestuttava ja voidaan nähdä sosiologisena ilmiönä. Poliisivoimien tulisi lisätä sisäistä koulutusta asian suhteen sekä hallituksen tutkia tätä ilmiönä ja paneutua sen selvittämiseen laaja-alaisesti ja läpinäkyvästi.

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Memories of historical injustices affect contemporary politics from local to global level. In East Asia, questions of commemoration and historical responsibility have turned into international and domestic controversies. The main focus has been and still is in apologies conducted by Japanese prime ministers in regards to the war, aggression and colonialism during the era of Imperial Japan. Although it is granted that state apologies are not a crucial part of reconciliation, they can be analysed as a linked but separate process within the context of memory and international relations. The purpose of this study is to examine the discourses of history in Japanese prime ministers’ commemoration speeches on Memorial Ceremony for the War Dead from 1995 to 2015 in order to analyse how the Japanese government is reflecting on its past. In particular, attention is paid on what is being commemorated and how, whether it is the war and its victims or Japan’s post-war era of peace. As an apology is a reciprocal activity, responses from Japan’s most vocal former victims, South Korea and China, were also examined. Discourse analysis was used to identify and examine the different representations of the past. In addition, the apology statements of Japanese prime ministers were analysed in the Many to Many apology framework developed by Tavuchis (1991). Primary material consisted of 21 prime ministers’ speeches from the annual Memorial Ceremony for the War Dead on August 15th and from three apology statements made in 1995, 2005 and 2015. Further international context was primarily collected from newspaper articles of The New York Times and The Times throughout the examined period. It can be concluded from the findings that in the official Japanese remembrance of the past war from 1985’s annexation of Taiwan to the atomic bombings in 1945, both discourses that reinforce apology and remorse over Japan’s past aggressions and discourses that consciously avoid doing so are used. The commemoration speeches and apology statements consistently assert that Japan has acknowledged its past and expresses regret over the acts of aggression. At the same time, the speeches and statements strengthen the narrative that Japan was a victim of circumstances as well as turn the focus on post-war peace-making or on Japan’s own victimhood.