37 resultados para POLITICAL COMMITMENT


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T helper (Th) cells are vital regulators of the adaptive immune system. When activated by presentation of cognate antigen, Th cells demonstrate capacity to differentiate into functionally distinct effector cell subsets. The Th2 subset is required for protection against extracellular parasites, such as helminths, but is also closely linked to pathogenesis of asthma and allergies. The intracellular molecular signal transduction pathways regulating T helper cell subset differentiation are still incompletely known. Moreover, great majority of studies regarding Th2 differentiation have been conducted with mice models, while studies with human cells have been fewer in comparison. The goal of this thesis was to characterize molecular mechanisms promoting the development of Th2 phenotype, focusing specifically on human umbilical cord blood T cells as an experimental model. These primary cells, activated and differentiated to Th2 cells in vitro, were investigated by complementary system-wide approaches, targeting levels of mRNA, proteins, and lipid molecules. Specifically, the results indicated IL4-regulated recruitment of nuclear protein, and described novel components of the Th2-promoting STAT6 enhanceosome complex. Furthermore, the development of the activated effector cell phenotype was found to correlate with remodeling of the cellular lipidome. These findings will hopefully advance the understanding of human Th2 cell lineage commitment and development of Th2-associated disease states.

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According to several surveys and observations, the percentage of successfully conducted IT projects without over-budgeting and delays in time schedule are extremely low. Many projects also are evaluated as failures in terms of delivered functionality. Nuldén (1996) compares IT projects with bad movies; after watching for 2 hours, one still tries to finish it even though one understands that it is a complete waste of time. The argument for that is 'I've already invested too much time to terminate it now'. The same happens with IT projects: sometimes the company continues wasting money on these projects for a long time, even though there are no expected benefits from these projects. Eventually these projects are terminated anyway, but until this moment, the company spends a lot. The situation described above is a consequence of “escalation of commitment” - project continuation even after a manager receives negative feedback of the project’s success probability. According to Keil and Mähring (2010), even though escalation can occur in any type of project, it is more common among complex technological projects, such as IT projects. Escalation of commitment very often results in runaway projects. In order to avoid it, managers use de-escalation strategies, which allow the resources to be used in more effective. These strategies lead to project termination or turning around, which stops the flow of wasted investments. Numbers of researches explore escalation of commitment phenomena based on experiments and business cases. Moreover, during the last decade several frameworks were proposed for de-escalation strategy. However, there is no evidence of successful implementation of the de-escalation of commitment strategy in the literature. In addition, despite that fact that IT project management methodologies are widely used in the companies, none of them cover the topic of escalation of commitment risks. At the same time, there are no researches proposing the way to implement de-escalation of commitment strategy into the existing project management methodology The research is focused on a single case of large ERP implementation project by the consulting company. Hence, the main deliverables of the study include suggestions of improvement in de-escalation methods and techniques in the project and in the company. Moreover, the way to implement these methods into existing project management methodology and into the company general policies is found.

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Tutkielmassa analysoidaan kolmen internetsivuston uutisartikkeleita kielitieteen näkökulmasta. Tavoitteena on selvittää esiintyykö internetsivustojen BBC, CNN ja Fox News uutisoinnissa politiikkaan liittyviä ennakkoasenteita tai puolueellisuuksia ja miten ne käytännössä näkyvät uutisartikkeleiden kielessä. Kriittiseen diskurssianalyysiin pohjautuen tutkielma esittelee jokaisen uutissivuston taustaan (esimerkiksi rakenteeseen ja rahoitukseen) liittyviä seikkoja sekä mediadiskurssiin ja politiikkaan liittyvät taustatiedot, jolla taataan Norman Fairclough'n kolmivaiheisen menetelmän mahdollisimman perusteellinen toteuttaminen. Uutissivustoja analysoidaan kriittiselle diskurssianalyysille sopivan funktionaalisen kieliopin ja muiden lingvististen välineiden avulla. Koko aineiston (404 artikkelia) otsikot analysoidaan ensin, minkä jälkeen analysoidaan yhdeksän kokonaista artikkelia kolmeen eri aihealueeseen liittyen niin, että jokaiselta internetsivustolta analysoidaan yksi artikkeli jokaista aihetta kohden. Analyysikeinoina käytetään ensisijaisesti systeemis-funktionaalisen kieliopin tekstuaalisen metafunktion välineitä (thematic structure). Myös ideationaalisen metafunktion välineitä (transitivity), referenssiketjuja (referential identity chains) ja leksikaalista analyysia käytetään hyväksi. Lähtökohtaisesti tavoitteena on analysoida uutissivustoja vertailevasti, jolloin analyysin tulokset ovat paremmin havainnoitavissa ja perusteltavissa. Hypoteesi aikaisempien tutkimusten ja yleisen mielikuvan perusteella on, että CNN uutisoi demokraattipuolueelle ja Fox News taas republikaanipuolueelle edulliseen sävyyn. Tutkimustulokset vaihtelivat hypoteesia tukevista ja sen vastaisista tuloksista niihin, jotka eivät olleet tarpeeksi tuettuja kumpaankaan suuntaan. Vahvimmat tulokset ovat kuitenkin hypoteesia tukevia, joten tässä tutkielmassa todetaan, ettei uutisointi ole puolueetonta ainakaan näiden kolmen internetsivuston kohdalla. Lisäksi muutaman aihealueen kohdalla uutisointi on niin toistuvaa tietystä näkökulmasta, että luonnollistumisteorian mukaista aatteiden luonnollistumista saattaa tapahtua. Tutkielmassa käytettyjen menetelmien menestyksen perusteella suositellaan, että tekstuaalisen metafunktion analyysivälineitä käytetään enemmän. Lisäksi suositellaan meta-analyysin harkitsemista, jotta voitaisiin selvittää, mitkä analyysimetodit parhaiten sopivat minkäkinlaisen aineiston analysointiin.

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Representativ demokrati innebär att medborgare istället för att själv göra beslut i frågor som angår dem, ofta delegerar dylikt beslutsfattande till representanter. Det här betyder att viktiga beslut görs av personer som medborgarna i allmänhet inte känner speciellt väl, och i vars ageranden medborgarna endast har lite insyn. Vanliga medborgare och deras representanter har därtill ofta mycket olika intressen, d.v.s. har olika syn på vad som är viktigt. Representanterna har följaktligen både möjligheter och incitament att missbruka den makt som anförtrotts dem, bl.a. genom korrupt verksamhet. Denna avhandling analyserar mekanismer genom vilka korruption bland representanter kan förebyggas, och (då korrupta handlingar redan ägt rum) upptäckas. Avhandlingen granskar mekanismer som a) ger medborgare och andra ansvarsutkrävare mer information om representanternas målsättningar och ageranden, b) som tvingar representanterna att rättfärdiga sina ageranden gentemot medborgare och andra ansvarsutkrävare, och c) som gör det möjligt för medborgare och andra ansvarsutkrävare att straffa representanter som agerat korrupt. Avhandlingen hävdar att tillämpandet av dylika mekanismer minskar lockelsen för och möjligheterna att engagera sig i korrupta handlingar. Avhandlingen studerar de mekanismer för ansvarsutkrävande som skapas genom politiskt institutionsbyggande. Bl.a. analyseras i vilken grad olika valsystem och typer av maktfördelning gör det möjligt att hålla representanter till svars, och därmed förhindra och upptäcka korruption. Sambandet mellan institutionsbyggande, möjligheter till ansvarsutkrävande och förekomst av korruption studeras på såväl makro- som mikronivå. Studien på makronivå inkluderar ett flertal länder och analyserar sambandet med hjälp av statistisk analys. Studien på mikronivå däremot består av två fallstudier (Österrike och Botswana) och utgör en djupdykning i dessa länders politiska institutioner, möjligheter till ansvarsutkrävande inom ramen för institutionerna, och följder i form av korruption.

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In this positioning paper transition management (TM) and the sustainable nutrient economy are addressed. We discuss TM from its scholarly origins in the 1990’s to its implementation as a comprehensive sector-wide policy program on sustainability in The Netherlands during the first decade of the 2000´s. Although the program was innovative and provoked a new approach to environmental policy and governance, the program at large failed to set the right conditions under which sustainable transition take place. Lessons from the Netherlands, both successful and less successful, are addressed in this positioning paper to inform Finnish governmental and knowledge institutes on how (not) to implement TM on environmental issues. When looking at sustainable nutrient economy the paper takes a historical view at how problems with nutrients (especially phosphates) were dealt with in the Netherlands during the post World War II era. This transition did not occur easily. In the agricultural sector environmental policies to prevent nutrient problems were not easily accepted, as large agricultural economic interests were at stake and the sector’s main actors were generally opposed to (radical) environmental transition. Currently, sustainable nutrient economy initiatives are starting to receive attention on the political agenda once again. In 2011 a sector- and chain-wide covenant was signed, showing that sustainable nutrient transition goals get commitment from stakeholders throughout the nutrient chain. We judge that TM provides useful elements that are applicable to Finnish governance modes to support sustainable nutrient economy transition. However, the Finnish government should be careful when implementing TM to prevent making the same mistakes the Dutch government made in previous years.

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Kartta kuuluu A. E. Nordenskiöldin kokoelmaan

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The emergence of the idea of multiculturalism in Swedish public discourse and social science in the latter half of the 1960s and introduction of official multiculturalism in 1975 constituted a major intellectual and political shift in the post-war history of Sweden. The ambition of the 1975 immigrant and minority policy to enable the preservation of ethno-cultural minorities and to create a positive attitude towards the new multicultural society among the majority population was also incorporated into Swedish cultural, educational and media policies. The rejection of assimilationism and the new commitment to ethno-cultural diversity, the multicultural moment, has earned Sweden a place on the list of the early adopters of official multiculturalism, together with Canada and Australia. This compilation thesis examines the origins and early post-war history of the idea of multiculturalism as well as the interplay between idea and politics in the shift from a public ideal of homogeneity to an ideal of multiculturalism in Sweden. It does so from a range of conceptual, comparative, transnational, and biographical perspectives. The thesis consists of an introduction (Part I) and four previously published studies (Part II). The primary research result of the thesis concerns the agency involved in the break-through and formal establishment of the idea of multiculturalism in Sweden. Actors such as ethnic activists, experts and officials were instrumental in the introduction and establishment of multiculturalism in Sweden, as they also had been in Canada and in Australia. These actors have, however, not previously been recognized and analysed as significant idea-makers and political agents in the case of Sweden. The intertwined connections between activists, social scientists, linguists, and officials facilitated the transfer of the idea of multiculturalism from a publically contested idea to public policy via the way of The Swedish Trade Union Confederation, academia and the Royal Commission of Immigration. The thesis furthermore shows that the political success of the idea of multiculturalism, such as it was within the limits of the universalist social democratic welfare state, was dependent on whom the claims-makers were, the status and positions they held, and the way the idea of multiculturalism was conceptualised and used. It was also dependent on the migratory context of labour immigration in the 1960s and 1970s and on whose behalf the advocates of multiculturalism made their claims. The majority of the labour immigrants were Finnish citizens from the former eastern half of the kingdom of Sweden who were net contributors to the Swedish welfare state. This facilitated the recognition of their ethno-cultural difference, and, following the logic of universalism, the ethno-cultural difference of other minority groups in Sweden. The historical significance of the multicultural moment is still evident in the contemporary immigration and integration policies of Sweden. The affirmation of diversity continues to set Sweden apart from the rest of Europe, now more so than in the 1970s, even though the migratory context has changed radically in the last 40 years.

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This thesis investigates the matter of race in the context of Finnish language acquisition among adult migrants in Finland. Here matter denotes both the materiality of race and how race comes to matter. Drawing primarily on an auto/ethno/graphic account of learning the Finnish language as a participant in the Finnish for foreigners classes, this thesis problematises the ontology and epistemology of race, i.e., what race is, how it is known, and what an engagement with race entails. Taking cues from the bodily practices of learning the Finnish trill or the rolling r, this study proposes a notion of “trilling race” and argues for an onto-epistemological dis/continuity that marks race’s arrival. The notion of dis/continuity reworks the distinction between continuity and discontinuity, and asks about the how of the arrival of any identity, the where, and the when. In so doing, an analysis of “trilling race” engages with one of the major problematics that has exercised much critical attention, namely: how to read race differently. That is, to rethink the conundrum of the need to counter “representational weight” (Puar 2007, 191) of race on the one hand, and to account for the racialised lived realities on the other. The link between a study of the phenomenon of host country language acquisition and an examination of the question of race is not as obvious as it might seem. For example, what does the argument that the process of language learning is racialised actually imply? Does it mean that race, as a process of racialisation or an ongoing configuration of sets of power relations, exerts force from an outside on the otherwise neutral process of learning the host country language? Or does it mean that race, as an identity category, presents as among the analytical perspectives, along with gender and class for instance, of the phenomenon of host country language acquisition? With these questions in mind, and to foreground the examination of the question of race in the context of Finnish language acquisition among adult migrants, this thesis opens with a discussion of the art installation Finnexia by Lisa Erdman. Finnexia is a fictitious drug said to facilitate Finnish language learning through accelerating the cognitive learning process and reducing the anxiety of speaking the Finnish language. Not only does the Finnexia installation make visible the ways in which the lack of skill in Finnish is fgured as the threshold – a border that separates the inside from the outside – to integration, but also, and importantly, it raises questions about the nature of difference, and the process of differentiation that separates the individual from the social, fact from fiction, nature from culture. These puzzles animate much of the analysis in this dissertation. These concerns continue to be addressed in the rest of part one. Whereas chapter two offers a reconsideration of the ambiguities of ethnisme/ethnicity and race, chapter three dilates on the methodological implications of a conception of the dis/continuity of race. Part two focuses on the matter of race and examines the political economy of visual-aural encounters, whereas part three shifts the focus and rethinks the possibilities and limitations of transforming racialised and normative constraints. Taking up these particular problematics, this thesis as a whole argues that race trills itself: its identity/difference is simultaneously made possible and impossible.

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Finnish companies have usually formed a strategic alliance as entry mode when entering the Japanese market. However, these strategic alliances have not been studied in a general level and it remains unknown, what kind cooperation the Finnish companies are operating with their Japanese partners. Especially Finnish companies that aims to penetrate the Japanese market are eager to know more about this. The recent studies on topic have focused on a single industry or company and that is why more general level study was needed. The purpose of this study is to analyze types of Finnish–Japanese strategic alliances from the Finnish point of view. The analysis is conducted by answering the questions what strategic alliance types appear in the strategic alliances between Japanese and Finnish companies, and how commitment affects strategic alliance type. This study also examines how committed Finnish–Japanese strategic alliances are. In this study multiple case study was selected as research method. The data is collected by interviewing six representative of Finnish companies in Japan individually. Multiple case study was chosen for this study, because this study is interested in the topic in general level and this research method is suitable for this kind of research. From the interviews common attributes were pointed out and from them the big picture of the topic was created. Types of strategic alliances were determined by using previous literature on that topic. Two different types of strategic alliance were discovered: supplier alliance which is the most common one and learning alliance. The commitment of strategic alliance was measured visually by utilizing a figure that was modified for this study.The figure is originally based on earlier studies on strategic alliance types and their connection to ownership and commitment. By utilizing the figure it was noticed that commitment affects strategic alliance types: the more there is commitment involved, the more there is cooperation. Finnish–Japanese strategic alliances are not very committed despite they have existed for a long time. However, there is potential to be more committed. That is why Finnish companies should increase the commitment and attract the partners to develop the strategic alliances, because it would possible increase competitive advantage. This would be beneficial to all members within the strategic alliance.