Analysing variations in health expectancy - seminar presentations

A recent report by the Centre for Ageing Research and Development in Ireland (CARDI) entitled Illustrating Ageing in Ireland, North and South found that since the 1920s the number of years males can expect to live rose by about 20 years while the number of years females can expect to live rose by about 24-25 years.  It is not clear, however, if these years of life gained are lived in good health.While there is considerable policy focus on reducing inequalities in life expectancy, much less is known about the variation in health expectancy that exists across the island of Ireland. The debate hinges on our understanding of what is driving the changes in life expectancy, healthy life expectancy and the gap between the two.IPH in association with CARDI, hosted a Health Analysts' Special Interest Group (HASIG) seminar discussing the policy implications of this debate. The seminar introduced the range of health expectancy measures and compared them to life expectancy.  Initial findings from the all-island study of life expectancy and healthy life expectancy were also presented.

Does income inequality cause health and social problems?

Key points• The literature shows general agreement about a correlation between income inequality and health/social problems. • There is less agreement about whether income inequality causes health and social problems independently of other factors, but some rigorous studies have found evidence of this. • The independent effect of income inequality on health/social problems shown in some studies looks small in statistical terms. But these studies cover whole populations, and hence a significant number of lives. • Some research suggests that inequality is particularly harmful beyond a certain threshold. Britain was below this threshold in the 1960s, 1970s and early 1980s, but rose past it in 1986–7 and has settled well above it since 1998–9. If the threshold is significant it could provide a target for policy. • Anxiety about status might explain income inequality’s effect on health and social problems. If so, inequality is harmful because it places people in a hierarchy which increases competition for status, causing stress and leading to poor health and other negative outcomes. • Not all research shows an independent effect of income inequality on health/social problems. Some highlights the role of individual income (poverty/material circumstances), culture/history, ethnicity and welfare state institutions/social policies. • The author concludes that there is a strong case for further research on income inequality and discussion of the policy implications.This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

Health at a glance: Europe 2012.

This second edition of Health at a Glance: Europe presents a set of key indicators of health and health systems in 35 European countries, including the 27 European Union member states, 5 candidate countries and 3 EFTA countries. The selection of indicators is based largely on the European Community Health Indicators (ECHI) shortlist, a list of indicators that has been developed by the European Commission to guide the development and reporting of health statistics. It is complemented by additional indicators on health expenditure and quality of care, building on the OECD expertise in these areas. Contents: Introduction 12 Chapter 1. Health status 15 1.1. Life expectancy and healthy life expectancy at birth 1.2. Life expectancy and healthy life expectancy at age 65 1.3. Mortality from all causes 1.4. Mortality from heart disease and stroke 1.5. Mortality from cancer 1.6. Mortality from transport accidents 1.7. Suicide 1.8. Infant mortality 1.9. Infant health: Low birth weight 1.10. Self-reported health and disability 1.11. Incidence of selected communicable diseases 1.12. HIV/AIDS 1.13. Cancer incidence 1.14. Diabetes prevalence and incidence 1.15. Dementia prevalence 1.16. Asthma and COPD prevalence Chapter 2. Determinants of health 49 2.1. Smoking and alcohol consumption among children 2.2. Overweight and obesity among children 2.3. Fruit and vegetable consumption among children 2.4. Physical activity among children 2.5. Smoking among adults 2.6. Alcohol consumption among adults 2.7. Overweight and obesity among adults 2.8. Fruit and vegetable consumption among adults Chapter 3. Health care resources and activities 67 3.1. Medical doctors 3.2. Consultations with doctors 3.3. Nurses 3.4. Medical technologies: CT scanners and MRI units 3.5. Hospital beds 3.6. Hospital discharges 3.7. Average length of stay in hospitals 3.8. Cardiac procedures (coronary angioplasty) 3.9. Cataract surgeries 3.10. Hip and knee replacement 3.11. Pharmaceutical consumption 3.12. Unmet health care needs Chapter 4. Quality of care 93 Care for chronic conditions 4.1. Avoidable admissions: Respiratory diseases 4.2. Avoidable admissions: Uncontrolled diabetes Acute care 4.3. In-hospital mortality following acute myocardial infarction 4.4. In-hospital mortality following stroke Patient safety 4.5. Procedural or postoperative complications 4.6. Obstetric trauma Cancer care 4.7. Screening, survival and mortality for cervical cancer 4.8. Screening, survival and mortality for breast cancer 4.9. Screening, survival and mortality for colorectal cancer Care for communicable diseases 4.10. Childhood vaccination programmes 4.11. Influenza vaccination for older people Chapter 5. Health expenditure and financing 117 5.1. Coverage for health care 5.2. Health expenditure per capita 5.3. Health expenditure in relation to GDP 5.4. Health expenditure by function. 5.5. Pharmaceutical expenditure 5.6. Financing of health care 5.7. Trade in health services Bibliography 133 Annex A. Additional information on demographic and economic context 143 Most European countries have reduced tobacco consumption via public awareness campaigns, advertising bans and increased taxation. The percentage of adults who smoke daily is below 15% in Sweden and Iceland, from over 30% in 1980. At the other end of the scale, over 30% of adults in Greece smoke daily. Smoking rates continue to be high in Bulgaria, Ireland and Latvia (Figure 2.5.1). Alcohol consumption has also fallen in many European countries. Curbs on advertising, sales restrictions and taxation have all proven to be effective measures. Traditional wine-producing countries, such as France, Italy and Spain, have seen consumption per capita fall substantially since 1980. Alcohol consumption per adult rose significantly in a number of countries, including Cyprus, Finland and Ireland (Figure 2.6.1).This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

Poverty and social exclusion in Northern Ireland

Northern Ireland’s labour market and poverty rates have deteriorated in the last five years, in addition to longstanding issues of mental health and community divisions – and welfare reforms are likely to exacerbate these problems.��New research��by the New Policy Institute for JRF brings together the latest data to show the extent and nature of poverty in Northern Ireland (NI), focusing on the links between poverty, work, disability and age. It finds that:��•��between 2006/07 and 2011/12 the average (median) income in NI fell by almost 10 per cent compared with 7 per cent for the UK as a whole;��•��the proportion of unemployed working-age people in NI almost doubled between 2007/08 and 2012/13 to reach 5.8 per cent. Growth in the proportion working part-time and wanting full-time work has been greater – up from 1.7 per cent, the same as in Great Britain (GB), to 4.4 per cent (compared with 3.5 per cent in GB);��•��the proportion of pensioners in poverty in NI fell from 19 per cent to 16 per cent in the five years to 2011/12. The poverty rate rose over this period for working-age adults and children;��•��in the five years to 2011/12, the poverty rate among adults aged 16 to 29 rose by 8 percentage points to reach 26 per cent. Poverty has also increased among those aged 30 to 59, solely among those in working families.��For more information about this research and forthcoming work, please contact Aleks Collingwood, programme manager:��Aleks.Collingwood@jrf.org.uk

Understanding socio-economic inequalities affecting older people

In 2012, CARDI was asked by The Office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister in Northern Ireland to carry out a series of research projects on ageing in Ireland, North and South. This research project, 'Understanding socio-economic inequalities affecting older people’ , was carried out by Paul McGill, CARDI. The research sought to answer the following questions: Are there inequalities that affect older people as a group compared with younger people, or inequalities that exist within the older population? How are these inequalities changing over time? Do these socio-economic inequalities have a detrimental impact on older people or on a substantial number of them? How can any harmful socio-economic inequalities be reduced or eliminated and what are the implications for policy-making? Key Findings*: In RoI the poorest older people had a rise of €32 per week between 2004 and 2011 in total incomes while those with the highest incomes had a rise of €255 (CSO 2013). Total incomes of the poorest pensioner couples in NI did not change between 2003-06 and 2008-11 but the best off had a rise of �37 per week (DSD 2013). Employees aged 60+ earn €10,000 less per year than earners in their peak years in RoI and �2,400 less in NI (CSO Database and NISRA 2012). The richest older people in RoI earn 14 times more from employment than the poorest. In NI it is 36 times more for single pensioners and 44 times more for pensioner couples (CSO 2013; NISRA 2013). The gap in weekly earnings between top and bottom earners aged 60+ in NI rose from �294 to �430 between 2005 and 2012 (NISRA 2012). In the two years 2009-2011 the incomes of the poorest older people in ROI declined by €24 per week (11.4%) (CSO, 2013).