Hospital admission counts and rates for injuries in Republic of Ireland, Northern Ireland, England, Scotland and Wales

Number of hospital discharges and age-standardised discharge rates for emergency hospital admissions for injury by sex and type of injury for the following regions and year:Republic of Ireland 2006Northern Ireland 2006England 2006/07Scotland 2006/07Wales 2006 Numbers and rates are based on official hospital statistics from each region. All regions use International Classification of Disease (ICD) version 10 for hospital discharges in these years. Only emergency inpatient hospital spells with an ICD 10 code in the range S000-T739, T750-T759, T780-T789 (in any diagnostic position) and an ICD10 external cause code in the range V01-Y36 (in any diagnostic position) were included. A hospital spell is an unbroken period of time that a person spends as an inpatient in a hospital. The person may change consultant and/or specialty during a spell but is counted only once. See http://www.injuryobservatory.net/analysis-of-inpatient-admissions-data-f... for more details.

Ecstasy can cause brain damage

This poster informs about the dangers of Ecstasy stating: 'Medical research proves that Ecstasy can cause brain damage. Deny it all you like, but you know it won't wash'.

Does income inequality cause health and social problems?

Key points• The literature shows general agreement about a correlation between income inequality and health/social problems. • There is less agreement about whether income inequality causes health and social problems independently of other factors, but some rigorous studies have found evidence of this. • The independent effect of income inequality on health/social problems shown in some studies looks small in statistical terms. But these studies cover whole populations, and hence a significant number of lives. • Some research suggests that inequality is particularly harmful beyond a certain threshold. Britain was below this threshold in the 1960s, 1970s and early 1980s, but rose past it in 1986–7 and has settled well above it since 1998–9. If the threshold is significant it could provide a target for policy. • Anxiety about status might explain income inequality’s effect on health and social problems. If so, inequality is harmful because it places people in a hierarchy which increases competition for status, causing stress and leading to poor health and other negative outcomes. • Not all research shows an independent effect of income inequality on health/social problems. Some highlights the role of individual income (poverty/material circumstances), culture/history, ethnicity and welfare state institutions/social policies. • The author concludes that there is a strong case for further research on income inequality and discussion of the policy implications.This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

Life Expectancy and All Age All Cause Mortality Monitoring (Overall and Health Inequalities) - Update to include data for 2007

The latest annual update on life expectancy data and all age all cause mortality rates, with data updated to 2005-07, which are used to monitor progress against Department of Health targets for overall life expectancy in England, and for the gap in life expectancy between the areas with the worst health and deprivation indicators (the Spearhead group) and the England average, was released on 13th November 2008 according to the arrangements approved by the UK Statistics Authority.

Mortality target monitoring (life expectancy and all-age all-cause mortality, overall and inequalities)

The latest annual update on life expectancy data and all age all cause mortality rates, with data updated to 2006-08, which are used to monitor progress against Department of Health targets for overall life expectancy in England, and for the gap in life expectancy between the areas with the worst health and deprivation indicators (the Spearhead group) and the England average, was released on 5th November 2009 according to the arrangements approved by the UK Statistics Authority. �� The key points from the latest release are: �� - The overall life expectancy and all age all cause mortality (AAACM) trends for both males and females are broadly on course to deliver the target of 78.6 years for men and 82.5 years for women by 2010 (2009-11). �� - In 2006-08, life expectancy at birth in England continued to increase for both males and females, and reached its highest level on record at 77.7 years for males and 81.9 years for females. �� - Three-year average AAACM rates for England have fallen in each period since 1995-97. �� - In 2006-08, average life expectancy at birth in the Spearhead Group was 75.8 years for males and 80.4 years for females, having increased in each period since 1995-97. �� - However, England average life expectancy at birth has increased more quickly over this period, and, in 2006-08, the relative gap ��� i.e. percentage difference - in life expectancy at birth between England and the Spearhead Group was wider than at the baseline for the target (1995-97) for both males and females. �� - For males the relative gap was 7% wider than at the baseline (compared with 4% wider in 2005-07), for females 14% wider (compared with 11% wider in 2005-07).�� �� Therefore, the target to narrow the life expectancy gap between the Spearhead Group and the England average, by at least 10% by 2010, remains challenging.��Three-year average AAACM rates for the Spearhead Group have fallen in each period since 1995-97 for both males and females. Download Mortality target monitoring (life expectancy and all-age all-cause mortality, overall and inequalities): update to include data for 2008 (PDF, 683K)Download pre-release access list (PDF, 10k)��

Health Inequality Profiles 2008 - All age, all cause standardised vs. EoE

DSRs (with CIs) for All age, all cause mortality 2001-03 to 2005-07, by gender, for Counties/UAs, County quintiles, County 80/20 standardises - as in previous years - against East of England Census 2001 population.

Ethnicity Coding

The incidence, prevalence, and mortality of many diseases are known to vary by ethnic group.There are well documented inequities in access to prevention, treatment, and palliative health and social care services based on ethnic group. There are, too, reported differences in the quality of services received by different ethnic groups and of outcomes of treatment and care. Many of these inequities are amenable to change. However, in order to address them they must, first of all, be comprehensively defined and documented. Mainstreaming ethnic monitoring/data collection is a vital step in the process. The history of such data collection in the NHS is poor, whichever of the key datasets is examined: hospital episode statistics, general practitioner data, cancer registrations, and disease registers. While steps are now being taken to remedy some of these deficiencies, the continued non-availability of ethnic monitoring data and in some cases of compatible ethnically-coded denominator data remains a problem. In particular the lack of ethnic group in births and deaths data has been the subject of widespread comment by specialists in demography and public health and is probably the single action that could most improve the evidence based for addressing ethnic/racial inequalities in health and health care.