Attrition in the Swiss Household Panel: Is change associated with later drop-out?

This study examines the importance of change in characteristics and circumstances of households and household members for contact and cooperation patterns. The literature suggests that there might be an underrepresentation of change in panel studies, because respondents facing more changes would be more likely to drop out. We approach this problem by analysing whether previous changes are predictive of later attrition or temporary drop-out, using eleven waves of the Swiss Household Panel (1999-2009). Our analyses support previous findings to some extent. Changes in household composition, employment status and social involvement as well as moving are associated mainly with attrition and less with temporary drop-out. These changes affect obtaining cooperation rather than obtaining contact, and tend to increase attrition.

Attrition in the Swiss Household Panel: Is change associated with drop-out?

This study examines the importance of change in characteristics and circumstances ofhouseholds and household members for contact and cooperation patterns. The literaturesuggests that there might be an underrepresentation of change in panel studies, becauserespondents facing more changes would be more likely to drop out. We approach this problemby analysing whether previous changes are predictive of later attrition or temporary drop-out,using eleven waves of the Swiss Household Panel (1999-2009). Our analyses supportprevious findings to some extent. Changes in household composition, employment status andsocial involvement as well as moving are associated mainly with attrition and less withtemporary drop-out. These changes affect obtaining cooperation rather than obtaining contact,and tend to increase attrition.

Les parlementaires suisses entre démocratisation et professionnalisation (1910-2010). Biographie collective des élus fédéraux et réformes du Parlement helvétique

Notre travail de thèse vise à analyser, d'une part, les principales réformes du Parlement fédéral adoptées au cours du 20e siècle et, d'autre part, l'évolution du profil sociographique pour six cohortes d'élus fédéraux (1910, 1937, 1957, 1980, 2000 et 2010), sous l'angle de sa démocratisation et de sa professionnalisation. La thèse comprend trois axes de recherche principaux. Premièrement, nous nous penchons sur les deux réformes institutionnelles censées favoriser la démocratisation du recrutement parlementaire, à savoir l'adoption de la proportionnelle pour l'élection du Conseil national en 1918 et l'introduction du suffrage féminin à l'échelon fédéral en 1971. Nous abordons également les réformes du Parlement visant, depuis les années 1970, à sa revalorisation et à sa professionnalisation. Le deuxième axe porte sur la réalisation d'un portrait collectif des élus fédéraux pour la période 1910-1980, dans le but de vérifier l'impact des réformes des règles électorales (proportionnelle et suffrage féminin) sur le profil des députés et sénateurs. Enfin, dans le troisième axe, nous abordons les transformations du profil socio-professionnel des parlementaires pendant la période plus récente (1980-2010), en lien avec la professionnalisation accrue de l'Assemblée fédérale et les changements des rapports de force partisans. Nos résultats permettent de mettre en évidence plusieurs éléments de continuité (prédominance de la catégories des indépendants, notamment des avocats, des chefs d'entreprise et des agriculteurs, et sous-représentation des salariés du secteur public ; fort ancrage local), ainsi que certains facteurs de rupture (présence accrue des femmes, moindre importance de la carrière militaire). D'autres changements dans le profil sont liés au processus récent de professionnalisation, contesté et inachevé, qui a favorisé néanmoins l'émergence de nouveaux profils sociologiques d'élus, en termes de formation, de profession (apparition du groupe des parlementaires professionnels) et de cumul des mandats économiques et politiques, avec cependant de fortes variations entre les partis et entre les deux Chambres. - Our PhD thesis aims at analysing, on the one hand, the main reforms of the Federal Parliament adopted during the 20th century and, on the other hand, the evolution of sociographical profile for six cohorts of Swiss MPs (1910, 1937, 1957, 1980, 2000 and 2010) in terms of their democratization and professionalization. Our research is composed of three main parts. Firstly, we analyse two institutional reforms which intended to promote the democratization of parliamentary recruitment, namely the adoption of proportional representation (PR) in 1918 for the election of the National Council and the introduction of women's suffrage at the federal level in 1971. We also deal with parliamentary reforms that, since the 1970s, have aimed at reasserting the political status of the Federal Assembly and at professionalizing its members. Secondly, we carry out a collective biography of Swiss MPs during the period 1910-1980, in order to verify the impact of electoral reforms (PR and women's suffrage) on the profiles of deputies and senators. Finally, we discuss the transformation of the MPs' socio-_professional profiles during the recent period (1980-2010) in connection with the increased professionalization of the Federal Assembly and the changes of the power relations within the Parliament. Our results allow us to highlight several elements of continuity (the predominance of self-employed persons, especially lawyers, business managers and farmers, and the underrepresentation of public employees; stronger background in local politics), as well as some factors of discontinuity (increased presence of women and lesser importance of the military career). Other changes of the parliamentarians' profile are related to the recent process of professionalization. Although contested and unfinished, it has promoted new sociological profiles in terms of educational background, profession (growth of the professional parliamentarians) and number of political and economic mandates held simultaneously, however with important variations between parties and between Lower and Upper House.

The Poor Representation of the Poor in a Comparative Perspective

Due to diverging levels of political influence of various income groups, political institutions likely reflect¦the policy preferences of certain groups of citizens better than others, independently of their numerical¦weight. This runs counter the egalitarian principle of 'one citizen, one vote'. The present article documents¦a general trend of underrepresentation of the preferences of relatively poor citizens both by¦parties and by governments across Western democracies, although important cross-national differences¦exist.

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The expansion of international standardization has reinforced enduring questions on the legitimacy of standards. In that respect, the participation of all stakeholders, including the weakest ones (unions, NGO, consumers' associations) is crucial. Given the recognized role of consumers' associations to express legitimate objectives, the question of their representation becomes central. In order to get a deeper understanding of their participation, this article explores the evolution of their representation within the Swiss national mirror committees of international standardization between 1987 and 2007. It probes the extent to which their participation is determined by the distinctiveness of issues supposedly related to consumers' concerns and by their own use of standards. The empirical findings of our study indicate an underrepresentation of consumers' associations and confirm the topical specificity of their implication in standardization processes. Finally, we found evidence that the use of standards in an association's activities supports and encourages its participation in standardization committees.

Les femmes, oubliées de la recherche clinique [Women, forgotten by clinical research].

Durant des années, les femmes ont été sous-représentées dans les études cliniques. Or, de nombreuses molécules n'ont pas le même effet chez les hommes et les femmes, en raison de différences pharmacodynamiques et pharmacocinétiques. Il en découle un manque d'informations sur les effets thérapeutiques ou indésirables des substances mais aussi, plus généralement, une moins bonne connaissance des pathologies chez les femmes et une prise en charge plus souvent sous-optimale.La sous-représentation est due à divers facteurs, allant de la perception des femmes au sein de la société à des enjeux éthiques vis-à-vis de la grossesse. L'importance d'inclure suffisamment de femmes comme sujets d'études nécessite ainsi une prise de conscience médicale et également sociale ; elle devra s'accompagner de changements entre autres politiques ou législatifs. For years, women were underrepresented in clinical studies. But the effect of many drugs differ among women and men, due to pharmacokinetic and pharmacodynamic differences. As a result, there is a lack of information on therapeutic or adverse effets of drugs and, more generally, a lack of knowledge on diseases, leading more frequently to sub-optimal medical care in women. This underrepresentation is due to various factors, including the social role of women or ethical issues about pregnancy. The need for adequate representation of women in clinical studies is a social as well as medical concern, that implies political and legal changes.

How women and men project their gender prototypes on leader prototypes.

Both role incongruency theory (Eagly & Karau, 2002) and the lack of fit model by Heilman (1983) suggest that the underrepresentation of women in leadership positions can be explained by the male-typedness of leader prototypes. We examine how women and men project their gender prototypes onto leader prototypes. We found initially that men more so than women projected their gender prototypes on leader prototypes. For men there is more of an overlap between a prototypical men and a prototypical leader than there is an overlap between a prototypical woman and a prototypical leader. Women, however, do not engage in so called relative ingroup projection. In the current study, we further decompose this finding asking whether the gender difference in relative ingroup projection on leadership prototypes is driven by female prototypes, male prototypes, and/or leader prototypes. We further examine to what extent this gender difference is more manifested on positively valenced or negatively valenced attributes of prototypes. Our findings show that, while women and men have similar prototypes of leaders and men on both positively and negatively valenced attributes, men relative to women have less favorable prototypes of women but only on positively valenced attributes. An interesting implication is that efforts to address gender differences in the projection of gender prototypes onto leader prototypes should focus less on leader prototypes and more on the female prototypes. Theoretically, our findings allude to the importance of distinguishing between more subtle (evaluating the outgroup less positively on positive properties) and less subtle forms (evaluating the outgroup more negatively on negative properties) of outgroup derogation.

Gender ingroup projection and the evaluative connotation of leader prototypes

The underrepresentation of women in top corporate ranks is a topic of ongoing discussion. Manager prototypes are proposed to be more male-typed than female-typed because historically men more often than women have held leadership roles. Why then is the maleness of manager prototypes even more pronounced among men than among women? Given that most personnel decision makers in organizations are men this phenomenon is problematic for women's advancement to top management positions. We address this question by investigating peoples' use of ingroup projection and their endorsement of evaluative attributes in constructing gender and leader prototypes.

Mind the Gap. Do Proportional Electoral Systems Foster a More Equal Representation of Women and Men, Poor and Rich ?

Female gender and low income are two markers for groups that have been historically disadvantaged within most societies. The study explores two research questions related to their political representation: 1) Are parties ideologically biased towards the ideological preferences of male and rich citizens? 2) Does the proportionality of the electoral system moderate the degree of underrepresentation of women and poor citizens in the party system? A multilevel analysis of survey data from 24 parliamentary democracies indicates that there is some bias against those with low income and, at a much smaller rate, women. This has systemic consequences for the quality of representation, as the preferences of the complementary groups differ. The proportionality of the electoral system influences the degree of underrepresentation: specifically, larger district magnitudes help closing the considerable gap between rich and poor.