55 resultados para transnational enforcement

em Université de Lausanne, Switzerland


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Most corporate codes of conduct and multi-stakeholder sustainability standards guarantee workers' rights to freedom of association and collective bargaining, but many authors are sceptical about the concrete impact of codes and standards of this kind. In this paper we use Hancher and Moran's (1998) concept of 'regulatory space' to assess the potential of private transnational regulation to support the growth of trade union membership and collective bargaining relationships, drawing on some preliminary case study results from a project on the impact of the International Finance Corporation's (IFC) social conditionality on worker organization and social dialogue. One of the major effects of neoliberal economic and industrial policy has been the routine exclusion of workers' organizations from regulatory processes on the grounds that they introduce inappropriate 'political' motives into what ought to be technical decision-making processes. This, rather than any direct attack on their capacity to take action, is what seems best to explain the global decline in union influence (Cradden 2004; Howell 2007; Howe 2012). The evidence we present in the paper suggests that private labour regulation may under certain conditions contribute to a reversal of this tendency, re-establishing the legitimacy of workers' organizations within regulatory processes and by extension the legitimacy of their use of economic and social power. We argue that guarantees of freedom of association and bargaining rights within private regulation schemes are effective to the extent that they can be used by workers' organizations in support of a claim for access to the regulatory space within which the terms and conditions of the employment relationship are determined. Our case study evidence shows that certain trade unions in East Africa have indeed been able to use IFC and other private regulation schemes as levers to win recognition from employers and to establish collective bargaining relationships. Although they did not attempt to use formal procedures to make a claim for the enforcement of freedom of association rights on behalf of their members, the unions did use enterprises' adherence to private regulation schemes as a normative point of reference in argument and political exchange about worker representation. For these unions, the regulation was a useful addition to the range of arguments that they could deploy as means to justify their demand for recognition by employers. By contrast, the private regulation that helps workers' organizations to win access to regulatory processes does little to ensure that they are able to participate meaningfully, whether in terms of technical capacity or of their ability to mobilize social power as a counterweight to the economic power of employers. To the extent that our East African unions were able to make an impact on terms and conditions of employment via their participation in regulatory space it was solely on the basis of their own capacities and resources and the application of national labour law.

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The Layout of My Thesis This thesis contains three chapters in Industrial Organization that build on the work outlined above. The first two chapters combine leniency programs with multimarket contact and provide a thorough analysis of the potential effects of Amnesty Plus and Penalty Plus. The third chapter puts the whole discussion on leniency programs into perspective by examining other enforcement tools available to an antitrust authority. The main argument in that last chapter is that a specific instrument can only be as effective as the policy in which it is embedded. It is therefore important for an antitrust authority to know how it best accompanies the introduction or modification of a policy instrument that helps deterrence. INTRODUCTION Chapter 1 examines the efféct of Amnesty Plus and Penalty Plus on the incentives of firms to report cartel activities. The main question is whether the inclusion of these policies in a leniency program undermine the effectiveness of the latter by discouraging the firms to apply for amnesty. The model is static and focus on the ex post incentives of firms to desist from collusion. The results suggest that, because Amnesty Plus and Penalty Plus encourage the reporting of a second cartel after a first detection, a firm, anticipating this, may be reluctant to seek leniency and to report in the first place. However, the effect may also go in the opposite direction, and Amnesty Plus and Penalty Plus may encourage the simultaneous reporting of two cartels. Chapter 2 takes this idea further to the stage of cartel formation. This chapter provides a complete characterization of the potential anticompetitive and procompetitive effects of Amnesty Plus in a infinitely repeated game framework when the firms use their multimarket contact to harshen punishment. I suggest a clear-cut policy rule that prevents potential adverse effects and thereby show that, if policy makers follow this rule, a leniency program with Amnesty Plus performs better than one without. Chapter 3 characterizes the socially optimal enforcement effort of an antitrust authority and shows how this effort changes with the introduction or modification of specific policy instruments. The intuition is that the policy instrument may increase the marginal benefit of conducting investigations. If this effect is strong enough, a more rigorous detection policy becomes socially desirable.

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Dès le milieu des années 1920 et le développement des premiers prototypes fonctionnels, la télévision se fait objet d'exposition. La nouvelle technologie est montrée à des foires industrielles et dans des grands magasins, à des expositions universelles et nationales : exposée, la télévision devient un mass media avant même qu'elle ne diffuse des émissions régulières. En étudiant les présentations publiques de la télévision en Allemagne, en Grande-Bretagne et aux Etats-Unis entre 1928 - date de l'ouverture des premières expositions annuelles dans les trois pays - et 1939 - moment de l'interruption de celles-ci suite à l'éclatement de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale - Television before TV montre que les lieux où le médium rencontre son premier public constituent les mêmes espaces qui, rétrospectivement, permettent de comprendre son avènement. Cette recherche propose ainsi de nouvelles pistes pour l'histoire des médias en interrogeant la définition de la télévision en tant que médium du privé. Elle rappelle l'importance historique de l'espace public pour la « vision à distance » et, dépassant la perspective nationale, reconstitue les différences et similarités techniques, médiatiques et institutionnelles de la télévision allemande, américaine et britannique dans l'entre-deux-guerres. Développée dans un contexte qui est simultanément nationaliste et nourri d'échanges et de compétitions internationales, la télévision sert de comparatif dans les rivalités entre pays, mais stimule également la circulation de savoir-faire et de personnes. Sa forte valeur symbolique comme emblème du progrès scientifique et, dans le cas allemand, comme preuve de la modernité du régime national-socialiste se traduit dans les salles d'expositions par des scénographies souvent innovatrices, dont les photographies et descriptions se propagent au-delà de la presse locale. Au centre d'un réseau discursif et représentationnel, les expositions jouent alors un rôle essentiel pour la construction sociale, politique et culturelle de la télévision. Remplaçant l'analyse de textes audiovisuels par l'étude de la machine exposée, ma recherche reformule la question bazinienne de qu'est-ce que la télévision ? pour demander où le médium se situe-t-il ? Cette prémisse méthodologique permet de contourner une évaluation qualitative de la technologie qui déplorerait ses multiples imperfections, et éclaire d'un nouveau jour des dispositifs télévisuels qui, même sans programme, intègrent un univers voué à la culture de consommation et du loisir.

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Newsletter for Study of Islam in the Modern World (Leide/NL)

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PURPOSE: Even though there is evidence that both patients and oncology clinicians are affected by the quality of communication and that communication skills can be effectively trained, so-called Communication Skills Trainings (CSTs) remain heterogeneously implemented. METHODS: A systematic evaluation of the level of satisfaction of oncologists with the Swiss CST before (2000-2005) and after (2006-2012) it became mandatory. RESULTS: Levels of satisfaction with the CST were high, and satisfaction of physicians participating on a voluntary or mandatory basis did not significantly differ for the majority of the items. CONCLUSIONS: The evaluation of physicians' satisfaction over the years and after introduction of mandatory training supports recommendations for generalized implementation of CST and mandatory training for medical oncologists.