Dynamic social representations of the 2009 H1N1 pandemic: Shifting patterns of sense-making and blame

We investigate dynamics of public perceptions of the 2009 H1N1 influenza pandemic to understand changing patterns of sense-making and blame regarding the outbreak of emerging infectious diseases. We draw on social representation theory combined with a dramaturgical perspective to identify changes in how various collectives are depicted over the course of the pandemic, according to three roles: heroes, villains and victims. Quantitative results based on content analysis of three cross-sectional waves of interviews show a shift from mentions of distant collectives (e.g., far-flung countries) at Wave 1 to local collectives (e.g., risk groups) as the pandemic became of more immediate concern (Wave 2) and declined (Wave 3). Semi-automated content analysis of media coverage shows similar results. Thematic analyses of the discourse associated with collectives revealed that many were consistently perceived as heroes, villains and victims.

Collective victimisation and collective guilt in the former Yugoslavia : the interplay between individual, local and societal levels

The thesis examines the impact of collective war victimization on individuals' readiness to accept or assign collective guilt for past war atrocities. As a complement to previous studies, its aim is to articulate an integrated approach to collective victimization, which distinguishes between individual-, communal-, and societal-level consequences of warfare. Building on a social representation approach, it is guided by the assumption that individuals form beliefs about a conflict through their personal experiences of victimization, communal experiences of warfare that occur in their proximal surrounding, and the mass- mediatised narratives that circulate in a society's public sphere. Four empirical studies test the hypothesis that individuals' beliefs about the conflict depend on the level and type of war experiences to which they have been exposed, that is, on informative and normative micro and macro contexts in which they are embedded. The studies have been conducted in the context of the Yugoslav wars that attended the breakup of Yugoslavia, a series of wars fought between 1991 and 2001 during which numerous war atrocities were perpetrated causing a massive victimisation of population. To examine the content and impact of war experiences at each level of analysis, the empirical studies employed various methodological strategies, from quantitative analyses of a representative public opinion survey, to qualitative analyses of media content and political speeches. Study 1 examines the impact of individual- and communal- level war experiences on individuals' acceptance and assignment of collective guilt. It further examines the impact of the type of communal level victimization: exposure to symmetric (i.e., violence that similarly affects members of different ethnic groups, including adversaries) and asymmetric violence. The main goal of Study 2 is to examine the structural and political circumstances that enhance collective guilt assignment. While the previous studies emphasize the role of past victimisation, Study 2 tests the assumption that the political demobilisation strategy employed by elites facing public discontent in the collective system-threatening circumstances can fuel out-group blame. Studies 3 and 4 have been conducted predominantly in the context of Croatia and examine rhetoric construction of the dominant politicized narrative of war in a public sphere (Study 3) and its maintenance through public delegitimization of alternative (critical) representations (Study 4). Study 4 further examines the likelihood that highly identified group members adhere to publicly delegitimized critical stances on war. - Cette thèse étudie l'impact de la victimisation collective de guerre sur la capacité des individus à accepter ou à attribuer une culpabilité collective liée à des atrocités commises en temps de guerre. En compléments aux recherches existantes, le but de ce travail est de définir une approche intégrative de la victimisation collective, qui distingue les conséquences de la guerre aux niveaux individuel, régional et sociétal. En partant de l'approche des représentations sociales, cette thèse repose sur le postulat que les individus forment des croyances sur un conflit au travers de leurs expériences personnelles de victimisation, de leurs expériences de guerre lorsque celle-ci se déroule près d'eux, ainsi qu'au travers des récits relayés par les mass media. Quatre études testent l'hypothèse que les croyances des individus dépendent des niveaux et des types d'expériences de guerre auxquels ils ont été exposés, c'est-à-dire, des contextes informatifs et normatifs, micro et macro dans lesquels ils sont insérés. Ces études ont été réalisées dans le contexte des guerres qui, entre 1991 et 2001, ont suivi la dissolution de la Yougoslavie et durant lesquelles de nombreuses atrocités de guerre ont été commises, causant une victimisation massive de la population. Afin d'étudier le contenu et l'impact des expériences de guerre sur chaque niveau d'analyse, différentes stratégies méthodologiques ont été utilisées, des analyses quantitatives sur une enquête représentative d'opinion publique aux analyses qualitatives de contenu de médias et de discours politiques. L'étude 1 étudie l'impact des expériences de guerre individuelles et régionales sur l'acceptation et l'attribution de la culpabilité collective par les individus. Elle examine aussi l'impact du type de victimisation régionale : exposition à la violence symétrique (i.e., violence qui touche les membres de différents groupes ethniques, y compris les adversaires) et asymétrique. L'étude 2 se penche sur les circonstances structurelles et politiques qui augmentent l'attribution de culpabilité collective. Alors que les recherches précédentes ont mis l'accent sur le rôle de la victimisation passée, l'étude 2 teste l'hypothèse que la stratégie de démobilisation politique utilisée par les élites pour faire face à l'insatisfaction publique peut encourager l'attribution de la culpabilité à l'exogroupe. Les études 3 et 4 étudient, principalement dans le contexte croate, la construction rhétorique du récit de guerre politisé dominant (étude 3) et son entretien à travers la délégitimation publique des représentations alternatives (critiques] (étude 4). L'étude 4 examine aussi la probabilité qu'ont les membres de groupe fortement identifiés d'adhérer à des points de vue sur la guerre critiques et publiquement délégitimés.

Questioni di pulizia: rappresentazioni e valori

In the framework of social representation, this research explores how the concept of cleanness does not refer solely to individual hygienic praxes and thoughts, but it is also linked to social and cultural aspects. In this way, the definitions of what is dirty and what is clean, what is pure and what is impure, are linked to social discrimination attitudes, based for example on the fear for contamination. Our general hypothesis is that the representations of dirt/cleanness and purity/impurity define ideas and praxes linked to personal hygiene, but refer also to the way people interact with the world and the others. Hence, we hypothesize that the representations of dirt/cleanness and purity/impurity are linked to values and political and religious orientations. A questionnaire with closed-answer questions and a free association task were distributed to 450 subjects. Results show how, in effects, the concepts of dirt/cleanness, purity/ impurity skip from their daily praxis connotations and assume a symbolic function for discriminating between individuals and social groups.

The role of magma rheology during emplacement of the Listino Suite, Adamello Massif, Italy

This thesis studies individual and contextual antecedents of anti-immigrant attitudes by drawing on intergroup threat and contact, social representation, and value theories. As an alternative to previous multilevel research on the topic, it aims to articulate levels of analysis by putting forward a Person x Context Interaction approach. Moreover, rather than focussing exclusively on the impact of a large immigrant proportion, by introducing ideological climates, it develops and examines the normative societal context in which individuals are embedded. The studies largely draw on cross-sectional survey data across Swiss municipalities (Studies 1 to 3) and European countries (Study 4), but are complemented by elite discourses (Study 5) and online collected survey data (Study 6). Study 1 distinguishes between valued and devalued immigrants, thereby shedding light on the impact of immigrant proportion on intergroup contact and threat. Study 2 focuses on the link between immigrant proportion and attitudes towards the Muslim veil by examining its joint impact with conservative ideologies on the individual and municipality level. Aiming to explain threat related to immigrants, the interplay between immigrant proportion and ideological climates is studied across Swiss municipalities (Study 3) and European countries (Study 4). In addition, by adopting a Person x Context Interaction approach, it is investigated whether a context galvanizes individuals already prone to viewing immigrants as threatening, or mobilizes those generally least likely to express prejudice. Finally, to better understand the role political elites play in fuelling ideological climates, the official discourses on the 2011 England riots are analysed (Study 5). With online survey data collected during the riots, it is then shown that once endorsed, threat-eliciting climates are likely to mobilize negative ethnic diversity attitudes in the larger population (Study 6). Overall, this thesis proposes an integrative approach to studying anti-immigrant attitudes and discusses theoretical and methodological implications. - La présente thèse se penche sur les antécédents individuels et contextuels des attitudes négatives envers les immigré e s, en combinant les théories de la menace intergroupe, du contact, des représentations sociales et des valeurs. Elle a plus précisément pour but d'articuler différents niveaux d'analyse à travers une approche insistant sur les interactions entre Individu et Contexte. Ce faisant, elle propose une alternative aux recherches précédentes sur le thème, basées sur une perspective multiniveau plus « classique ». Au lieu de se pencher uniquement sur l'impact de la présence de populations immigrées dans un lieu donné, la recherche réalisée a par ailleurs développé et étudié le concept de climat idéologique, à savoir le contexte normatif au sein duquel les individus sont plongés au quotidien. Les études composant cette thèse se basent essentiellement sur des données d'enquête de grande échelle, récoltées dans diverses municipalités Suisses (Etudes 1 à 3) ou divers pays Européens (Etude 4). Elles sont complétées par l'analyse de discours politiques (Etude 5) et de données récoltées sur internet (Etude 6). Distinguant entre immigré-e'S valorisé-e s et dévalorisé-e-s, l'Etude 1 a eu pour but de mettre en lumière l'impact de la présence d'immigré e s sur le contact et la menace intergroupes. L'Etude 2 a, quant à elle, examiné si la présence d'immigré e s interagit avec les idéologies conservatrices, tant au niveau individuel que municipal, pour expliquer les attitudes envers le voile. Dans le même ordre idée, les études suivantes ont mis en exergue les effets conjoints de la présence d'immigré-e s et du climat idéologique au niveau des municipalités suisses (Etude 3) ou des pays Européens (Etude 4). En s'intéressant aux interactions entre Individu et Contexte, ces études ont en particulier cherché à observer dans quelle mesure ce dernier pouvait galvaniser les attitudes de personnes qui avaient déjà tendance à percevoir les immigré e s comme une menace ou, au contraire, mobiliser des individus desquels on n'attendrait pas de telles attitudes. Pour finir, les dernières études ont eu pour but de mettre en lumière la manière dont les élites politiques alimentent les climats idéologiques. Dans ce but, l'Etude 5 a analysé les discours officiels donnés pendant les émeutes qui ont secoué Londres en 2011, alors que l'Etude 6 a démontré comment le fait d'être en accord avec le message de menace véhiculé par ces discours avait poussé des individus égalitaires à exprimer des attitudes négatives envers la diversité ethnique. Dans l'ensemble, la présente thèse propose donc une approche intégrative d'étudier les attitudes négatives envers les immigré-e-s, et en discute les implications théoriques et méthodologiques.

Inhabitants' and professionals' social representations of health determinants in a disadvantaged urban area in France: a qualitative analysis = représentations sociales des déterminants de santé dans une zone urbaine défavorisée en France : analyse qualitative auprès d'habitants et de professionnels

Background and objective. - Access to care in French disadvantaged urban areas remains an issue despite the implementation of local healthcare structures. To understand this contradiction, we investigated social representations held by inhabitants of such areas, as well as those of social and healthcare professionals, regarding events or behaviours that can impact low-income individuals' health. Method. - In the context of a health diagnosis, 288 inhabitants living in five disadvantaged districts of Aix-les-Bains, as well as 28 professionals working in these districts, completed an open-ended questionnaire. The two groups of respondents were asked to describe what could have an impact on health status from the inhabitants' point of view. The textual responses were analyzed using the Alceste method. Results. - We observed a number of differences in the way the inhabitants and professionals represented determinants of health in disadvantaged urban areas: the former proposed a representation mixing personal responsibility with physiological, social, familial, and professional aspects, whereas the latter associated health issues with marginalization (financial, drug, or alcohol problems) and personal responsibility. Both inhabitants and professionals mentioned control over events and lifestyle as determinants of health. Discussion. - The results are discussed regarding the consequences of these different representations on the beneficiary - healthcare-provider relationship in terms of communication and trust.

Political representation in Switzerland : democratic or plutocratic ?

Les inégalités économiques se traduisent-elles dans des inégalités politiques à travers le processus de représentation électorale? Telle est la question centrale de cette thèse qui s'attache, par ailleurs, à investiguer les mécanismes qui tendent à produire une représentation biaisée des préférences politiques des citoyens en fonction de leur statut économique. Focalisé sur le cas de la Suisse et faisant usage des données de l'enquête postélectorale Selects de 2007, ce travail démontre que sur les rares sujets qui divisent les citoyens selon des clivages économiques - la redistribution des richesses et la sécurité sociale en particulier - les élus à l'Assemblée fédérale ont des préférences qui reflètent mieux les opinions des citoyens les plus riches. Cette sous-représentation des opinions des citoyens modestes et de ceux faisant partie du centre de la distribution des revenus peut en partie être attribuée à des différences dans les taux de participation et de connaissance politiques entre ces groupes de citoyens. La thèse met également en évidence le rôle joué par la représentation descriptive - autrement dit, la similitude en termes de statut économique entre les représentants et les représentés - dans la représentation des opinions et intérêts des citoyens. Par ailleurs, la structure du système partisan en Suisse ne reflétant pas la multidimensionnalité des préférences politiques des citoyens, les électeurs ne parviennent pas à traduire la complexité de leurs préférences politiques dans un choix de vote, ce qui, dans la configuration actuelle des forces politiques, tend à favoriser l'élection de représentants aux opinions proches de la droite sur les questions économiques. Enfin, une analyse de la représentation politique au niveau cantonal tend à soutenir la thèse selon laquelle le manque de régulation en matière de financement des partis en Suisse pourrait partiellement expliquer les inégalités dans la représentation des opinions politiques des citoyens aux revenus distincts. - Do economic inequalities translate into political inequalities through electoral representation? This is the central research question of this thesis, which also investigates the mechanisms that lead to potential economically based inequalities in the representation of citizens' policy preferences. Focusing on the case of Switzerland and making use of data provided by the post- electoral survey Selects 2007, this research demonstrates that regarding the rare policy domains in which the preferences of citizens are clearly linked to economic cleavages - redistribution and social security in particular - members of the Federal Assembly have policy preferences that best reflect the policy preferences of richer citizens. The under-representation of the opinions of relatively poor citizens and of those being the in the middle of the income distribution can be to some extent be explained by differences in political participation and political information across income groups. The thesis also puts forward the role played by descriptive representation - the similarity between representatives and represented in terms of their socioeconomic status - for the representation of citizens' preferences and interests. In addition, the structure of the party system in Switzerland does not reflect the multidimensionality of policy preferences among citizens who, as a result, have a hard time translating their complex preferences into a vote choice. Given the configuration of political actors, this tends to favour the election of representatives from the right who do not represent the preferences of their voters on economic issues. Finally, an analysis of representation at the cantonal level tends to confirm that the lack of party finance regulations in Switzerland may partially explain inequalities in the representation of citizens with different levels of income.

Rapid antagonistic coevolution between strains of the social amoeba Dictyostelium discoideum.

Social groups face a fundamental problem of overcoming selfish individuals capable of destroying cooperation. In the social amoeba Dictyostelium discoideum, there is evidence that some clones ('cheaters') contribute disproportionately to the viable spores in a fruiting body while avoiding the dead stalk cell fate. It remains unclear, however, whether this cheating is actually the product of selection. Here, I report the results of an experimental evolution study designed to test whether clones of D. discoideum will evolve resistance to cheating in the laboratory with genetic variation created only through spontaneous mutation. Two strains, one green fluorescent protein (GFP)-labelled and one wild-type, were allowed to grow and develop together before the wild-type strain was removed and replaced with a naïve strain evolving in parallel. Over the course of 10 social generations, the GFP-labelled strain reliably increased its representation in the spores relative to control populations that had never experienced the competitor. This competitive advantage extended to the non-social, vegetative growth portion of the life cycle, but not to pairwise competition with two other strains. These results indicate strong antagonism between strains, mediated by ample mutational variation for cheating and also suggest that arms races between strains in the wild may be common.

Représentations sociales et représentations intimes de la maladie. Quelques réflexions d'un clinicien [Social and private representations of cancer. A clinician's point of view]

This paper discusses social representations in scientific communications and private ones that are linked to the individual imagination. Social representations, in a limited sense, are useful for the development of preventive messages, but of little benefit to clinical work. We highlight some non-explicit aspects of scientific discourse that impact on treatment: projected beliefs and values. We tackle the relationship between the concepts of representation, imagination, identity and temporality in the individual approach of the cancer patient.

Why Women Rarely Rise to the Top: A Social Identity Model of Leader Prototypes.

Purpose We propose a social identity model of leader prototypes to address why the maleness of leader prototypes is more pronounced among men than among women (e.g., Schein, 2001). Specifically, we argue that individuals project their ingroup prototype (e.g., a male prototype) onto a valued other category (e.g., leaders) (e.g., Wenzel, Mummendey, Weber, & Waldzus, 2003) in order to maintain a positive ingroup (e.g., gender) identity. We hypothesized that both women and men engage in ingroup projection of their gender prototype on their leader prototype, and we expected this effect to be stronger for men than women. We also investigated intelligence as a moderator of ingroup projection. Methodology Participants (276 students, University of Lausanne) assessed to what extent attributes on a list of gender traits were characteristic of a successful leader. We computed relative ingroup similarity scores (e.g., Waldzus & Mummendey, 2004) representing the difference between how characteristic ingroup traits are for a successful leader, and how characteristic outgroup traits are for a successful leader. Results Results showed that men engaged in ingroup projection while women engaged in outgroup projection, and that men engaged in ingroup projection to a greater extent. We also found a small, but positive effect of intelligence on ingroup projection among men. Limitations The use of a student sample might limit the external validity of our findings. Implications Our findings contribute to research on the under-representation of women in managerial roles, and introduce intelligence as a predictor of ingroup projection. Value Our study allows for a more fine-grained understanding of the cognitive representations of leaders of men and women.