Nineteenth century research on cell death.

This paper reviews research on cell death in the 19th C. The first report of cell death was by Vogt in 1842, which was remarkably soon after the establishment of the cell theory by Schleiden and Schwann between 1838 and 1842. Initial studies on cell death, including that of Vogt, focused on its occurrence in metamorphosis (Vogt, 1842; Prévost and Lebert, 1844; Weismann, 1863-1866) or in blatant pathology (Virchow, 1858), but as histological techniques improved it was found to be involved in more subtle roles in numerous situations including endochondral ossification (Stieda, 1872), ovarian follicle atresia (Flemming, 1885), cell turnover (Nissen, 1886), the wholesale loss of a population of sensory neurons in fish (Beard, 1889), and the naturally occurring histogenetic death of myocytes (Felix, 1889) and neurons (Collin, 1906). The current categorization of cell death into about three main morphological types has 19th century roots in that apoptosis was well described by Flemming (1885), who called it chromatolysis, and various authors including Noetzel (1895) proposed a threefold classification. This article is part of a Special Issue entitled "Apoptosis: Four Decades Later".

Crises as a disease of the body politick: a metaphor in the history of nineteenth century economics

This paper examines the use of the medical metaphor in the early theories of crises. It first considers the borrowing of medical terminology and generic references to disease which, notwithstanding their relatively trivial character, illustrate how crises were originally conceived as disturbances (often of a political nature) to a naturally healthy system. Then it shows how a more specific metaphor, the fever of speculation, shifted the emphasis by treating prosperity as the diseased phase, to which crises are a remedy. The metaphor of the epidemic spreading of the disease introduced the theme of the cumulative character of both upswing and downswing, while the similitude with intermittent fevers accounted for the recurring nature of crises. Finally, the paper examines how the medical reflections on the causality of diseases contributed to the epistemology of crises theory, and reflects on the metaphisical shift accompanying the transition from the theories of crises to the theories of cycles.

The Poetics and Politics of the American Gothic : Gender and Slavery in Nineteenth-Century American Literature

Taking as its point of departure recent insights about the performative¦nature of genre, The Poetics and Politics of the American Gothic¦challenges the critical tendency to accept at face value that gothic¦literature is mainly about fear. Instead, Agnieszka Soltysik Monnet¦argues that the American Gothic, and gothic literature in general,¦is also about judgment: how to judge and what happens when¦judgment is confronted with situations that defy its limits.¦Poe, Hawthorne, Melville, Gilman, and James all shared a concern¦with the political and ideological debates of their time, but tended¦to approach these debates indirectly. Thus, Monnet suggests, while¦slavery and race are not the explicit subject matter of antebellum¦works by Poe and Hawthorne, they nevertheless permeate it through¦suggestive analogies and tacit references. Similarly, Melville, Gilman,¦and James use the gothic to explore the categories of gender and¦sexuality that were being renegotiated during the latter half of the¦century. Focusing on The Fall of the House of Usher, The Marble¦Faun, Pierre, The Turn of the Screw, and The Yellow Wallpaper,¦Monnet brings to bear minor texts by the same authors that further¦enrich her innovative readings of these canonical works. At the same¦time, her study persuasively argues that the Gothic's endurance¦and ubiquity are in large part related to its being uniquely adapted¦to rehearse questions about judgment and justice that continue to¦fascinate and disturb.

Antibiotic resistant bacteria/genes dissemination in lacustrine sediments highly increased following cultural eutrophication of Lake Geneva (Switzerland).

This study investigates faecal indicator bacteria (FIB), multiple antibiotic resistant (MAR), and antibiotic resistance genes (ARGs), of sediment profiles from different parts of Lake Geneva (Switzerland) over the last decades. MARs consist to expose culturable Escherichia coli (EC) and Enterococcus (ENT) to mixed five antibiotics including Ampicillin, Tetracycline, Amoxicillin, Chloramphenicol and Erythromycin. Culture-independent is performed to assess the distribution of ARGs responsible for, β-lactams (blaTEM; Amoxicillin/Ampicillin), Streptomycin/Spectinomycin (aadA), Tetracycline (tet) Chloramphenicol (cmlA) and Vancomycin (van). Bacterial cultures reveal that in the sediments deposited following eutrophication of Lake Geneva in the 1970s, the percentage of MARs to five antibiotics varied from 0.12% to 4.6% and 0.016% to 11.6% of total culturable EC and ENT, respectively. In these organic-rich bacteria-contaminated sediments, the blaTEM resistant of FIB varied from 22% to 48% and 16% to 37% for EC and ENT respectively, whereas the positive PCR assays responsible for tested ARGs were observed for EC, ENT, and total DNA from all samples. The aadA resistance gene was amplified for all the sediment samples, including those not influenced by WWTP effluent water. Our results demonstrate that bacteria MARs and ARGs highly increased in the sediments contaminated with WWTP effluent following the cultural eutrophication of Lake Geneva. Hence, the human-induced changing limnological conditions highly enhanced the sediment microbial activity, and therein the spreading of antibiotic resistant bacteria and genes in this aquatic environment used to supply drinking water in a highly populated area. Furthermore, the presence of the antibiotic resistance gene aadA in all the studied samples points out a regional dissemination of this emerging contaminant in freshwater sediments since at least the late nineteenth century.

Who wrote the Second Ave maris stella of Tomás Luis de Victoria?

Contrary to what Felipe Pedrell indicates, the second Ave maris stella in his Victoria's collected works (vol. V, 1908, pp. 100-3, n° 33) doesn't appear in the collection published in 1600 in Madrid by the composer, nor in any other of the musician's books. In the 1600 edition, Victoria reissues the two first verses (plainchant followed by polyphony) of the Ave maris stella published in 1576 and then again in 1581. The earliest source of the problematic Ave maris stella is Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Musik-Abteilung, 2 Mus. pr. 23 handschriftlicher Beiband, dating from the third quarter oft he seventeenth century. This source is a manuscrit that runs as an appendix to the 1581 edition of Victoria's hymns. No attributions are given in the manuscript. The first attributions of the piece to Victoria arise in the nineteenth century, in manuscripts copied by Johann Michael Hauber, Johann Caspar Aiblinger, August Baumgartner and Carl Proske, and preserved in Munich and Regensburg. Proske pubished the piece in his Musica divina in 1859 (Annus primus, vol. III, pp. 419-24). The most probable hypothesis ist that Pedrell had knowledge of the second Ave maris stella, under the spanish composer's name, via Proske's Musica divina. In all likelihood the piece is not by Victoria, not least because the composer has never written odd polyphonic verses of hymns. In his Studies in the Music of Tomás Luis de Victoria (2001), Eugene Casjen Cramer relies on the supposed authenticity of the work to ascribe the others pieces of Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Musik-Abteilung, 2 Mus. pr. 23 handschriftlicher Beiband to the composer. These attributions should therefore be refuted.