Référentiels des compétences et des métiers : une approche ontologique

Résumé La mondialisation des marchés, les mutations du contexte économique et enfin l'impact des nouvelles technologies de l'information ont obligé les entreprises à revoir la façon dont elles gèrent leurs capitaux intellectuel (gestion des connaissances) et humain (gestion des compétences). II est communément admis aujourd'hui que ceux-ci jouent un rôle particulièrement stratégique dans l'organisation. L'entreprise désireuse de se lancer dans une politique gestion de ces capitaux devra faire face à différents problèmes. En effet, afin de gérer ces connaissances et ces compétences, un long processus de capitalisation doit être réalisé. Celui-ci doit passer par différentes étapes comme l'identification, l'extraction et la représentation des connaissances et des compétences. Pour cela, il existe différentes méthodes de gestion des connaissances et des compétences comme MASK, CommonKADS, KOD... Malheureusement, ces différentes méthodes sont très lourdes à mettre en oeuvre, et se cantonnent à certains types de connaissances et sont, par conséquent, plus limitées dans les fonctionnalités qu'elles peuvent offrir. Enfin, la gestion des compétences et la gestion des connaissances sont deux domaines dissociés alors qu'il serait intéressant d'unifier ces deux approches en une seule. En effet, les compétences sont très proches des connaissances comme le souligne la définition de la compétence qui suit : « un ensemble de connaissances en action dans un contexte donné ». Par conséquent, nous avons choisi d'appuyer notre proposition sur le concept de compétence. En effet, la compétence est parmi les connaissances de l'entreprise l'une des plus cruciales, en particulier pour éviter la perte de savoir-faire ou pour pouvoir prévenir les besoins futurs de l'entreprise, car derrière les compétences des collaborateurs, se trouve l'efficacité de l'organisation. De plus, il est possible de décrire grâce à la compétence de nombreux autres concepts de l'organisation, comme les métiers, les missions, les projets, les formations... Malheureusement, il n'existe pas réellement de consensus sur la définition de la compétence. D'ailleurs, les différentes définitions existantes, même si elles sont pleinement satisfaisantes pour les experts, ne permettent pas de réaliser un système opérationnel. Dans notre approche; nous abordons la gestion des compétences à l'aide d'une méthode de gestion des connaissances. En effet, de par leur nature même, connaissance et compétence sont intimement liées et donc une telle méthode est parfaitement adaptée à la gestion des compétences. Afin de pouvoir exploiter ces connaissances et ces compétences nous avons dû, dans un premier temps, définir les concepts organisationnels de façon claire et computationnelle. Sur cette base, nous proposons une méthodologie de construction des différents référentiels d'entreprise (référentiel de compétences, des missions, des métiers...). Pour modéliser ces différents référentiels, nous avons choisi l'ontologie, car elle permet d'obtenir des définitions cohérentes et consensuelles aux concepts tout en supportant les diversités langagières. Ensuite, nous cartographions les connaissances de l'entreprise (formations, missions, métiers...) sur ces différentes ontologies afin de pouvoir les exploiter et les diffuser. Notre approche de la gestion des connaissances et de la gestion des compétences a permis la réalisation d'un outil offrant de nombreuses fonctionnalités comme la gestion des aires de mobilités, l'analyse stratégique, les annuaires ou encore la gestion des CV. Abstract The globalization of markets, the easing of economical regulation and finally the impact of new information and communication technologies have obliged firms to re-examine the way they manage their knowledge capital (knowledge management) and their human capital (competence management). It is commonly admitted that knowledge plays a slightly strategical role in the organization. The firms who want to establish one politic of management of these capitals will have to face with different problems. To manage that knowledge, a long process of capitalization must be done. That one has different steps like identification, extraction and representation of knowledge and competences. There are some different methods of knowledge management like MASK, CommonKADS or KOD. Unfortunately, those methods are very difficult to implement and are using only some types of knowledge and are consequently more limited in the functionalities they can offer. Knowledge management and competence management are two different domain where it could be interesting to unify those to one. Indeed, competence is very close than knowledge as underline this definition: "a set of knowledge in action in a specified context". We choose in our approach to rely on the concept of competence. Indeed, the competence is one of crucial knowledge in the company, particularly to avoid the loss of know-how or to prevent future needs. Because behind collaborator's competence, we can find company efficiency. Unfortunately, there is no real consensus on the definition of the concept of competence. Moreover, existing different definitions don't permit to develop an operational system. Among other key concept, we can find jobs, mission, project, and training... Moreover, we approach different problems of the competence management under the angle of the knowledge management. Indeed, knowledge and competence are closely linked. Then, we propose a method to build different company repositories (competence, jobs, projects repositories). To model those different repositories we choose ontology because it permits to obtain coherent and consensual definitions of the concepts with support of linguistics diversities too. This building repositories method coupled with this knowledge and competence management approach permitted the realization of a tool offering functionalities like mobility management, strategical analysis, yellow pages or CV management.

War Signals: A Theory of Trade, Trust and Conflict

We construct a dynamic theory of civil conflict hinging on inter-ethnic trust and trade. The model economy is inhabitated by two ethnic groups. Inter-ethnic trade requires imperfectly observed bilateral investments and one group has to form beliefs on the average propensity to trade of the other group. Since conflict disrupts trade, the onset of a conflict signals that the aggressor has a low propensity to trade. Agents observe the history of conflicts and update their beliefs over time, transmitting them to the next generation. The theory bears a set of testable predictions. First, war is a stochastic process whose frequency depends on the state of endogenous beliefs. Second, the probability of future conflicts increases after each conflict episode. Third, "accidental" conflicts that do not reflect economic fundamentals can lead to a permanent breakdown of trust, plunging a society into a vicious cycle of recurrent conflicts (a war trap). The incidence of conflict can be reduced by policies abating cultural barriers, fostering inter-ethnic trade and human capital, and shifting beliefs. Coercive peace policies such as peacekeeping forces or externally imposed regime changes have instead no persistent effects.

Social Investment Policies in Times of Permanent Austerity

The objective of this paper is to identify the political conditions that are most likely to be conducive to the development of social investment policies. It starts from the view put forward by theorists of welfare retrenchment that in the current context of permanent austerity, policy is likely to be dominated by retrenchment and implemented in a way that allows governments to minimise the risk of electoral punishment (blame avoidance). It is argued that this view is inconsistent with developments observed in several European countries, were some welfare state expansion has taken place mostly in the fields of childcare and active labour market policy. An alternative model is put forward, that emphasises the notion of "affordable credit claiming". It is argued that even under strong budgetary pressures, governments maintain a preference for policies that allow them to claim credit for their actions. Since the traditional redistributive policies tend to be off the menu for cost reasons, governments have tended to favour investments in childcare and active labour market policy as credit claiming tools. Policies developed in this way while they have a social investment flavour, tend to be rather limited in the extent to which they genuinely improve prospects of disadvantaged people by investing in their human capital. A more ambitious strategy of social investment sees unlikely to develop on the basis of affordable credit claiming. The paper starts by presenting the theoretical argument, which is then illustrated with examples taken from European countries both in the pre-crisis and in the post-crisis years.

The Political Economy of Active Labor-Market Policy

Active labor-market policies (ALMPs) have developed significantly over the past two decades across Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries, with substantial cross-national differences in terms of both extent and overall orientation. The objective of this article is to account for cross-national variation in this policy field. It starts by reviewing existing scholarship concerning political, institutional, and ideational determinants of ALMPs. It then argues that ALMP is too broad a category to be used without further specification, and it develops a typology of four different types of ALMPs: incentive reinforcement, employment assistance, occupation, and human capital investment. These are discussed and examined through ALMP expenditure profiles in selected countries. The article uses this typology to analyze ALMP trajectories in six Western European countries and shows that the role of this instrument changes dramatically over time. It concludes that there is little regularity in the political determinants of ALMPs. In contrast, it finds strong institutional and ideational effects, nested in the interaction between the changing economic context and existing labor-market policies.

The Feminization of Occupations and Change in Wages : a Panel Analysis of Britain, Germany, and Switzerland

In the past four decades, women have made major inroads into occupations previously dominated by men. This paper examines whether occupational feminization is accompanied by a decline in wages: Do workers suffer a wage penalty if they remain in, or move into, feminizing occupations? We analyze this question over the 1990s and 2000s in Britain, Germany, and Switzerland, using longitudinal panel data to estimate individual fixed effects for men and women. Moving from an entirely male to an entirely female occupation entails a loss in individual earnings of 13 percent in Britain, 7 percent in Switzerland, and 3 percent in Germany. The impact of occupational feminization on wages is not linear, but sets apart occupations holding more than 60 percent of women. Moving into such female occupations incurs a wage penalty. Contrary to the prevailing idea in economics, differences in productivity-human capital, job-specific skills, and time investment-do not fully explain the wage gap between male and female occupations. The wage penalty associated with working in a female occupation is also much larger where employer discretion is greater-in the private sector-than where wagesetting is guided by formal rules-the public sector. These findings suggest that wage disparities across male and female occupations are due to gender devaluation.