Entre culture du consensus et critique sociale : les intellectuels de gauche dans la Suisse de l'après-guerre (1945-1968)

Cette thèse étudie l'engagement des intellectuels de gauche dans la vie politique suisse, de 1945 à 1968. D'une part, il s'agit de retracer l'évolution du statut des intellectuels, que ce soit dans ou hors des partis. D'autre part, il est question d'analyser les débats politiques au sein desquels ces intellectuels furent impliqués, et la manière dont ces débats suscitèrent des clivages entre eux. De ce point de vue, nous mettons en lumière les différents courants et groupes formés par les intellectuels progressistes, souvent structurés autour de revues ; il s'agit aussi bien d'étudier l'engagement de personnalités sociales-démocrates que des communistes prosoviétiques, sans oublier les chrétiens pacifistes ou les intellectuels proches de la gauche radicale antistalinienne. S'agissant de l'évolution du statut des acteurs étudiés, ce travail souligne le déclin de la figure de l'intellectuel de gauche organiquement lié à son parti, souvent issu du milieu ouvrier, au profit d'intellectuels critiques, généralement au bénéfice d'une formation académique et revendiquant une certaine autonomie par rapport aux organisations politiques. Du point de vue des débats politiques, l'engagement des intellectuels de gauche est envisagé à la lumière de trois périodes. Tout d'abord, nous étudions la phase de l'immédiat après-guerre (1945-1949), marquée par une poussée de la gauche, y compris prosoviétique, qui met en cause le conservatisme politique issu des années de Mobilisation. Nous étudions ensuite les années les plus tendues de la guerre froide, entre 1950 et 1962, durant lesquelles la vie politique et intellectuelle en Suisse est dominée par un fort anticommunisme, auquel se rallient les dirigeants du Parti socialiste. Pourtant, l'engagement de certains intellectuels progressistes, en particulier dans le mouvement pacifiste, met en cause le consensus politique de guerre froide. Enfin, dans une troisième partie, nous montrons comment la critique intellectuelle de gauche se renforce après 1962, à la faveur de la détente Est-Ouest sur le plan international, et avec l'essor, en Suisse même, du mouvement des « non- conformistes ». Ce mouvement est animé par des intellectuels qui dénoncent le conservatisme helvétique, les excès de l'anticommunisme ou qui affirment leur solidarité avec les travailleurs immigrés en Suisse, aussi bien qu'avec les mouvements sociaux dans les pays du tiers-monde. Nous montrons en particulier comment l'engagement de ces intellectuels progressistes contribue à préparer le terrain pour les mobilisations de la jeunesse qui surviendront dans les « années 1968 ». -- This thesis adresses the political commitment of left-wing intellectuals in Switzerland between 1945 and 1968. It aims, on the one hand, to examine how the status of intellectuals developed within and outside of political parties. On the other hand, it endeavours to understand the political debates that involved and sometimes split these intellectuals. In this intent, we examine the various political orientations and formations that brought left-wing intellectuals together - often around dedicated periodicals - such as the Social-democratic, the Communist, the Christian Progressist or the anti-Stalinist Marxist movements. Regarding the evolving status of left-wing opinion leaders, we observe the decline of the organic, party-affiliated intellectuals - often from a working class background. By contrast, critical academics - left-wing oriented but.not directly linked to a political formation - became prevailing figures. Concerning left-wing intellectuals' involvement in the political debate, we differentiate three historical periods. Firstly, the immediate postwar years (1945-1949) were characterised by the strengthening of a left-wing faction, including pro-Soviet forces, which criticized the conservative political consensus built up during the War. Secondly, during the most tense years of the Cold War (1950-1962), the Swiss political and intellectual life became widely dominated by a strong anticommunism, supported by the Social-Democratic leaders. Still, the commitment of certain progressist intellectuals, particularly in the pacifist movement, called into question the political consensus resulting from the Cold War. This questioning strengthened after 1962, in the context of the Détente, corresponding to the rise of the "non-conformist" movement. This movement stemmed from progressist intellectuals, who criticized the Swiss conservatism, and the excesses of official anticommunism, while declaring their solidarity with immigrant workers or with the social movements in the Third World. We show in particular how these intellectuals paved the way for the youth mobilization due to occur in the "1968 years".

The class basis of the cleavage between the New Left and the radical right: An analysis for Austria, Denmark, Norway and Switzerland

This chapter argues that the electoral competition between the New Left and the Radical Right is best understood as a cultural divide anchored in different class constituencies. Based on individual-level data from the European Social Survey, we analyze the links between voters' class position, their economic and cultural preferences and their party choice for four small and affluent European countries. We find a striking similarity in the class pattern across countries. Everywhere, the New Left attracts disproportionate support from socio-cultural professionals and presents a clear-cut middle-class profile, whereas the Radical Right is most successful among production and service workers and receives least support from professionals. In general, the Radical Right depends on the votes of lowereducated men and older citizens and has turned into a new type of working-class party. However, its success within the working-class is not due to economic, but to cultural issues. The voters of the Radical Right collide with those of the New Left over a cultural conflict of identity and community - and not over questions of redistribution. A full-grown cleavage has thus emerged in the four countries under study, separating a libertarian-universalistic pole from an authoritarian-communitarian pole and going along with a process of class realignment.

Le médecin face aux inégalités sociales de santé: quel pouvoir d'action [General practitioners facing social inequalities in health: which power to act?].

The link between social inequalities and health has been known for many years, as attested by Villermé's work on the "mental and physical status of the working class" (1840). We have more and more insight into the nature of this relationship, which embraces not only material deprivation, but also psychological mechanisms related to social and interpersonal problems. Defining our possible role as physicians to fight against these inequalities has become a public health priority. Instruments and leads, which are now available to help us in our daily practice, are presented here.

Factors determining the spontaneous activation of splenic dendritic cells in culture.

Dendritic cells (DCs) serve as a link between the innate and adaptive immune systems. The activation state of DCs is crucial in this role. However, when DCs are isolated from lymphoid tissues, purified and placed in culture they undergo 'spontaneous' activation. The basis of this was explored, using up-regulation of DC surface MHC II, CD40, CD80 and CD86 as indicators of DC activation. No evidence was found for DC damage during isolation or for microbial products causing the activation. The culture activation of spleen DCs differed from that of Langerhans cells when released from E-cadherin-mediated adhesions, since E-cadherin was not detected and activation still occurred with β-catenin null DCs. Much of the activation could be attributed to DC-DC interactions. Although increases in surface MHC II levels occurred under all culture conditions tested, the increase in expression of CD40, CD80 and CD86 was much less under culture conditions where such interactions were minimised. DC-to-DC contact under the artificial conditions of high DC concentration in culture induced the production of soluble factors and these, in turn, induced the up-regulation of co-stimulatory molecules on the DC surface.

PPARgamma but not PPARalpha ligands are potent repressors of major histocompatibility complex class II induction in atheroma-associated cells.

Peroxisome proliferator-activated receptors (PPARs) are essential in glucose and lipid metabolism and are implicated in metabolic disorders predisposing to atherosclerosis, such as diabetes and dyslipidemia. Conversely, antidiabetic glitazones and hypolipidemic fibrate drugs, known as PPARgamma and PPARalpha ligands, respectively, reduce the process of atherosclerotic lesion formation, which involves chronic immunoinflammatory processes. Major histocompatibility complex class II (MHC-II) molecules, expressed on the surface of specialized cells, are directly involved in the activation of T lymphocytes and in the control of the immune response. Interestingly, expression of MHC-II has recently been observed in atherosclerotic plaques, and it can be induced by the proinflammatory cytokine interferon-gamma (IFN-gamma) in vascular cells. To explore a possible role for PPAR ligands in the regulation of the immune response, we investigated whether PPAR activation affects MHC-II expression in atheroma-associated cells. In the present study, we demonstrate that PPARgamma but not PPARalpha ligands act as inhibitors of IFN-gamma-induced MHC-II expression and thus as repressors of MHC-II-mediated T-cell activation. All different types of PPARgamma ligands tested inhibit MHC-II. This effect of PPARgamma ligands is due to a specific inhibition of promoter IV of CIITA and does not concern constitutive expression of MHC-II. Thus, the beneficial effects of antidiabetic PPARgamma activators on atherosclerotic plaque development may be partly explained by their repression of MHC-II expression and subsequent inhibition of T-lymphocyte activation.

Housewife or working mum--each to her own? The relevance of societal factors in the association between social roles and alcohol use among mothers in 16 industrialized countries.

Aims To investigate whether differences in gender-income equity at country level explain national differences in the links between alcohol use, and the combination of motherhood and paid labour. Design Cross-sectional data in 16 established market economies participating in the Gender, Alcohol and Culture: An International Study (GenACIS) study. Setting Population surveys. Participants A total of 12 454 mothers (aged 25-49 years). Measurements Alcohol use was assessed as the quantity per drinking day. Paid labour, having a partner, gender-income ratio at country level and the interaction between individual and country characteristics were regressed on alcohol consumed per drinking day using multi-level modelling. Findings Mothers with a partner who were in paid labour reported consuming more alcohol on drinking days than partnered housewives. In countries with high gender-income equity, mothers with a partner who were in paid labour drank less alcohol per occasion, while alcohol use was higher among working partnered mothers living in countries with lower income equity. Conclusion In countries which facilitate working mothers, daily alcohol use decreases as female social roles increase; in contrast, in countries where there are fewer incentives for mothers to remain in work, the protective effect of being a working mother (with partner) on alcohol use is weaker. These data suggest that a country's investment in measures to improve the compatibility of motherhood and paid labour may reduce women's alcohol use.

Bartonella apis sp. nov., a honey bee gut symbiont of the class Alphaproteobacteria.

Here, we report the culture and characterization of an alphaproteobacterium of the order Rhizobiales, isolated from the gut of the honey bee Apis mellifera. Strain PEB0122T shares >95 % 16S rRNA gene sequence similarity with species of the genus Bartonella, a group of mammalian pathogens transmitted by bloodsucking arthropods. Phylogenetic analyses showed that PEB0122T and related strains from the honey bee gut form a sister clade of the genus Bartonella. Optimal growth of strain PEB0122T was obtained on solid media supplemented with defibrinated sheep blood under microaerophilic conditions at 35-37 °C, which is consistent with the cultural characteristics of other species of the genus Bartonella. Reduced growth of strain PEB0122T also occurred under aerobic conditions. The rod-shaped cells of strain PEB0122T had a mean length of 1.2-1.8 μm and revealed hairy surface structures. Strain PEB0122T was positive for catalase, cytochrome c oxidase, urease and nitrate reductase. The fatty acid composition was comparable to those of other species of the genus Bartonella, with palmitic acid (C16 : 0) and isomers of 18- and 19-carbon chains being the most abundant. The genomic DNA G+C content of PEB0122T was determined to be about 45.5 mol%. The high 16S rRNA gene sequence similarity with species of Bartonella and its close phylogenetic position suggest that strain PEB0122T represents a novel species within the genus Bartonella, for which we propose the name Bartonella apis sp. nov. The type strain is PEB0122T ( = NCIMB 14961T = DSM 29779T).