22 resultados para WAR IN AFGANISTAN
em Université de Lausanne, Switzerland
Resumo:
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Resumo:
The thesis examines the impact of collective war victimization on individuals' readiness to accept or assign collective guilt for past war atrocities. As a complement to previous studies, its aim is to articulate an integrated approach to collective victimization, which distinguishes between individual-, communal-, and societal-level consequences of warfare. Building on a social representation approach, it is guided by the assumption that individuals form beliefs about a conflict through their personal experiences of victimization, communal experiences of warfare that occur in their proximal surrounding, and the mass- mediatised narratives that circulate in a society's public sphere. Four empirical studies test the hypothesis that individuals' beliefs about the conflict depend on the level and type of war experiences to which they have been exposed, that is, on informative and normative micro and macro contexts in which they are embedded. The studies have been conducted in the context of the Yugoslav wars that attended the breakup of Yugoslavia, a series of wars fought between 1991 and 2001 during which numerous war atrocities were perpetrated causing a massive victimisation of population. To examine the content and impact of war experiences at each level of analysis, the empirical studies employed various methodological strategies, from quantitative analyses of a representative public opinion survey, to qualitative analyses of media content and political speeches. Study 1 examines the impact of individual- and communal- level war experiences on individuals' acceptance and assignment of collective guilt. It further examines the impact of the type of communal level victimization: exposure to symmetric (i.e., violence that similarly affects members of different ethnic groups, including adversaries) and asymmetric violence. The main goal of Study 2 is to examine the structural and political circumstances that enhance collective guilt assignment. While the previous studies emphasize the role of past victimisation, Study 2 tests the assumption that the political demobilisation strategy employed by elites facing public discontent in the collective system-threatening circumstances can fuel out-group blame. Studies 3 and 4 have been conducted predominantly in the context of Croatia and examine rhetoric construction of the dominant politicized narrative of war in a public sphere (Study 3) and its maintenance through public delegitimization of alternative (critical) representations (Study 4). Study 4 further examines the likelihood that highly identified group members adhere to publicly delegitimized critical stances on war. - Cette thèse étudie l'impact de la victimisation collective de guerre sur la capacité des individus à accepter ou à attribuer une culpabilité collective liée à des atrocités commises en temps de guerre. En compléments aux recherches existantes, le but de ce travail est de définir une approche intégrative de la victimisation collective, qui distingue les conséquences de la guerre aux niveaux individuel, régional et sociétal. En partant de l'approche des représentations sociales, cette thèse repose sur le postulat que les individus forment des croyances sur un conflit au travers de leurs expériences personnelles de victimisation, de leurs expériences de guerre lorsque celle-ci se déroule près d'eux, ainsi qu'au travers des récits relayés par les mass media. Quatre études testent l'hypothèse que les croyances des individus dépendent des niveaux et des types d'expériences de guerre auxquels ils ont été exposés, c'est-à-dire, des contextes informatifs et normatifs, micro et macro dans lesquels ils sont insérés. Ces études ont été réalisées dans le contexte des guerres qui, entre 1991 et 2001, ont suivi la dissolution de la Yougoslavie et durant lesquelles de nombreuses atrocités de guerre ont été commises, causant une victimisation massive de la population. Afin d'étudier le contenu et l'impact des expériences de guerre sur chaque niveau d'analyse, différentes stratégies méthodologiques ont été utilisées, des analyses quantitatives sur une enquête représentative d'opinion publique aux analyses qualitatives de contenu de médias et de discours politiques. L'étude 1 étudie l'impact des expériences de guerre individuelles et régionales sur l'acceptation et l'attribution de la culpabilité collective par les individus. Elle examine aussi l'impact du type de victimisation régionale : exposition à la violence symétrique (i.e., violence qui touche les membres de différents groupes ethniques, y compris les adversaires) et asymétrique. L'étude 2 se penche sur les circonstances structurelles et politiques qui augmentent l'attribution de culpabilité collective. Alors que les recherches précédentes ont mis l'accent sur le rôle de la victimisation passée, l'étude 2 teste l'hypothèse que la stratégie de démobilisation politique utilisée par les élites pour faire face à l'insatisfaction publique peut encourager l'attribution de la culpabilité à l'exogroupe. Les études 3 et 4 étudient, principalement dans le contexte croate, la construction rhétorique du récit de guerre politisé dominant (étude 3) et son entretien à travers la délégitimation publique des représentations alternatives (critiques] (étude 4). L'étude 4 examine aussi la probabilité qu'ont les membres de groupe fortement identifiés d'adhérer à des points de vue sur la guerre critiques et publiquement délégitimés.
Resumo:
Background: Pharmacists, mainly militiamen, are incorporated in the Swiss Armed Forces, for instance in hospital battalions to supply drugs and medical devices, as well as to coordinate hygiene service. Presently, their duties are only very globally defined. Aims: The objective of this survey was to investigate the tasks that were actually assumed by the military pharmacy of the 2nd Hospital Battalion. Methods: Two types of commitments, offering military and civilian interest's convergence, were considered between 2005 and 2011: (1) army camps for the disabled and (2) operations and supports provided to two nursing homes. While relieving the civil caregiver usually involved with disabled or elderly people, such missions offer indeed the possibility to the army medical service to train its care and logistical processes with real patients, even in the absence of any sanitary crisis or war in the country. Results: Two basis activities have been assumed: (1) centralized supply of drugs and medical devices and (2) coordination of hygiene monitoring and disinfection operations. New tasks were also performed: (3) support to the management of ward-based pharmacies, (4) pillboxes preparation, (5) medication review and (6) selective participation in clinical rounds. The last two were integrated in an interdisciplinary education process. Conclusions: Results shows that, apart from traditional duties, new clinical-oriented activities have been evenly developed and assumed by militia pharmacists. They call thus for a possible renewed definition of the tasks of military hospital pharmacists and of their related military education. A wider study in all hospital battalions is yet mandatory.
Resumo:
Levels of support for just world beliefs among young adults (N = 598) from four ex-Yugoslavian countries-Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and Slovenia-were compared, taking into account victimization experiences and the general belief in a just world. Being a victim affected an individual's belief in a just world in the two less economically favored contexts: Victims of exclusion in Macedonia and victims of war in Bosnia and Herzegovina were less likely to believe in a just world than non-victims. These victimization variables partly explained why the mean scores of these two countries were less than those of the two others. A deleterious effect of cumulative negative events on belief in a just world was identified, in parallel with a lower endorsement of the belief when the first victimization occurred more recently.
Resumo:
Zielsetzung: Vergleich von Drug Eluting Bead (DEB)-TACE mit konventioneller TACE bei der Behandlung von ,,intermediate stage-HCC bei Patienten mit Zirrhose. Material und Methodik: 212 Patienten (185 ♂, 27 ♀; mittleres Alter, 67 Jahre) mit Child-Pugh A oder B Leberzirrhose und großem und/oder multinodulärem, irresektablen HCC wurden randomisiert, um das Therapieansprechen nach der Behandlung mit DEB (DC Bead; Biocompatibles, UK) beladen mit Doxorubicin oder konventioneller TACE mit Doxorubicin zu vergleichen. Die Randomisierung wurde nach Child-Pugh Status (A oder B), Performance Status (ECOG 0 oder 1), bilobärer Erkrankung (ja/nein) und frühere kurative Behandlung (ja/nein) stratifiziert. Der primäre Studienendpunkt war das 6-Monats-Tumoransprechen. Eine unabhängige verblindete MRT-Studie wurde durchgeführt, um das Tumoransprechen nach den RECIST Kriterien zu beurteilen. Ergebnisse: DEB-TACE mit Doxorubicin zeigte eine höhere Rate an komplettem Tumoransprechen, objektivem Ansprechen und Tumorkontrolle im Vergleich zur konventionellen TACE (27% vs 22%; 52% vs 44%; and 63% vs 52%; P>0.05). Patienten mit Child-Pugh B Zirrhose, ECOG 1 Performance Status, bilobärer Erkrankung und Rezidiven nach kurativer Behandlung zeigte einen signifikanten Anstieg des objektiven Ansprechens (p = 0.038) im Vergleich zur Kontrollgruppe. Bei Patienten, die mit DEB-TACE behandelt wurden, konnte eine deutliche Reduktion der gravierenden Lebertoxizität erreicht werden. Die Doxorubicin-Nebenwirkungsrate war in der DEB-TACE Gruppe deutlich geringer (p = 0.0001) als in der konventionellen TACEGruppe. Schlussfolgerung: DEB-TACE mit Doxorubicin ist sicher und effektiv in der Behandlung von ,,intermediate-stage HCC und bietet einen signifikanten Vorteil bei Patienten mit fortgeschrittener Erkrankung.
Resumo:
Im August 2012 brachte der Heimatverein von Borja, in Spanien, auf seinem Blog seine »tiefe Betroffenheit« über einen, wie es hieß, »unbeschreiblichen Vorgang« zum Ausdruck: Ein Wandgemälde in der Iglesia del Santuario de la Misericordia war in einer Form restauriert worden, die das ursprüngliche Motiv - den Schmerzensmann - fast unkenntlich machte. Die Affäre ging in kürzester Zeit durch die internationale Presse und durch das Internet. Sie schlug dabei unerwartet hohe Wellen, mit denen sich Hohn und Spott über den in fast allen Kommentaren als »misslungen« bezeichneten Restaurierungsakt ergoss. Im Web 2.0 hingegen gab das dergestalt »restaurierte« Antlitz des Ecce homo Anlass zu einer Vielzahl von Neuinterpretationen, es avancierte zu einem regelrechten Internet-Phänomen, das in der vorliegenden Studie in Hinblick auf den Umgang mit und die Aneignung von Bildern im digitalen Zeitalter untersucht werden soll.
Resumo:
As a neutral and multilingual country, Switzerland struggled with major domestic political conflicts during the First World War due to the two cultures of the French-speaking and German-speaking parts of the country. The divided cultural loyalties ('fossé moral', 'Röstigraben'), consisting of Swiss-Germans supporting Germany and Swiss-French supporting France, were discussed intensively in both of the main teachers' journals in Switzerland. Teachers felt the need to react and to promote unity from the beginning of the war. Despite the fact that the cantons are responsible for public education and, therefore, for the education of their students, teachers considered themselves called to educate their students to be national citizens rather than to be members of a language group. This threefold citizenship - communal, cantonal and national - was not scrutinised, but national unity became crucial due to the critical political circumstances. How did teachers promote and constitute citizenship for themselves and for their students in a nation united by free will during the First World War, a time of severe internal political conflicts?
Resumo:
Wars are often associated with a rhetoric of renewal or new beginnings. This essay explores this claim through the lens of civil religion and a recent book by Carolyn Marvin and David Ingle, Blood Sacrifice and the Nation, which combines Emile Durkheim with Réné Girard in proposing that modern national cohesion depends on blood sacrifice. I unpack some of the paradoxes raised by this theory of national renewal in the context of 9/11, with a special focus on the sacred status of the flag and the special attention given to uniformed serviceman in the American body politic.