7 resultados para Tendência anti-social

em Université de Lausanne, Switzerland


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Cooperation in joint enterprises can easily break down when self-interests are in conflict with collective benefits, causing a tragedy of the commons. In such social dilemmas, the possibility for contributors to invest in a common pool-rewards fund, which will be shared exclusively among contributors, can be powerful for averting the tragedy, as long as the second-order dilemma (i.e. withdrawing contribution to reward funds) can be overcome (e.g. with second-order sanctions). However, the present paper reveals the vulnerability of such pool-rewarding mechanisms to the presence of reward funds raised by defectors and shared among them (i.e. anti-social rewarding), as it causes a cooperation breakdown, even when second-order sanctions are possible. I demonstrate that escaping this social trap requires the additional condition that coalitions of defectors fare poorly compared with pro-socials, with either (i) better rewarding abilities for the latter or (ii) reward funds that are contingent upon the public good produced beforehand, allowing groups of contributors to invest more in reward funds than groups of defectors. These results suggest that the establishment of cooperation through a collective positive incentive mechanism is highly vulnerable to anti-social rewarding and requires additional countermeasures to act in combination with second-order sanctions.

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Subtypes of comorbid conditions and their associated trauma and clinical characteristics in full and partial PTSD were examined. Data from 289 subjects from the general population that met criteria for full or partial PTSD were analyzed. Latent class analyses (LCA) were performed to derive homogeneous patterns of DSM-IV Axis-I disorders and anti-social personality comorbid to PTSD. Logistic regression models were conducted to characterize these classes by trauma-related and clinical features. The LCA revealed three classes: (1) low comorbidity; (2) high comorbidity with primarily substance-related disorders and a higher proportion of males; and (3) more severe PTSD-symptomatology and higher comorbid anxiety disorders and depression, almost entirely represented by females. Exposure to sexual abuse was more likely in the substance-dependent class and contributed strongly to the distinction between classes. Affective disorders tended to precede the onset of PTSD in the substance-dependent class, whereas phobias were more likely to follow PTSD in the depressed-anxious class. Posttrauma onset of alcohol use disorders in the substance dependent class confirmed the self-medication hypothesis. The three classes of comorbidity and their sequence of onset with PTSD suggest different mechanisms involved in their development. Our findings suggest that PTSD-related comorbidity subtypes also apply to individuals with partial PTSD.

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Cette thèse entend apporter un éclairage sur l'histoire politique et sociale de la Suisse des années 68, en étudiant l'articulation entre les mouvements anti-impérialistes et la nouvelle gauche radicale, alors foisonnante. Il s'agit d'analyser cette période de contestation au prisme de l'anti-impérialisme révolutionnaire, lequel, dans le contexte de l'opposition à la guerre du Vietnam, a fortement imprégné le mouvement protestataire, en assignant notamment au tiers-monde le rôle de sujet de l'émancipation mondiale. Combinant une triple approche - chronologique, thématique et biographique - ce travail est structuré en quatre parties. La première partie esquisse un panorama des mouvements anti-impérialistes des années 1960 et 1970 en Suisse, avec une focalisation sur les «années anti-imp», entre 1968 et 1975. La deuxième interroge le rapport entre anti¬impérialisme et nouvelle gauche radicale, en proposant une typologie des principaux courants. La troisième partie s'attache à examiner le système de représentations du monde et de la Suisse véhiculé par le discours de l'extrême gauche. Prenant pour objet le militantisme, la dernière partie esquisse un portrait de groupe de la « génération anti-imp », fondé sur une enquête prosopographique et sur un corpus d'entretiens réalisés avec des militants de l'époque. L'étude révèle que l'anti-impérialisme a fourni à la contestation soixante-huitarde un cadre conceptuel et analytique, un facteur de structuration, ainsi qu'un vecteur de mobilisation. Il a en particulier permis à la gauche radicale suisse d'inscrire sa lutte anticapitaliste locale dans un horizon global d'émancipation. L'analyse de l'anti-impérialisme révolutionnaire, qui a connu son apogée dans les années 68 avant de connaître un déclin rapide et presque total, invite à appréhender cette « décennie mouvementée » comme la fin d'un long cycle politique. -- This thesis aims to shed light on the social and political history of Switzerland in the 1960s and 1970s by studying the relationship between anti-imperialist movements and the emerging new radical left. It analyses this time of rebellion through the prism of revolutionary anti-imperialism. In the context of opposition to the Vietnam War, anti-imperialism strongly influenced protest movements, notably by assigning to the Third World the role of main actor in the fight for global emancipation. Combining a threefold approach - chronological, thematic and biographical - this work is structured in four parts. The first part provides a panorama of the anti-imperialist movements of the long 1960s in Switzerland with a focus on the « anti-imp years » between 1968 and 1975. The second part questions the relationship between anti-imperialism and the new radical left and proposes a typology of its main currents. The third part examines how the radical left's discourse represented the world, and Switzerland in particular. The last part addresses the question of activism and outlines a group portrait of the « anti-imp generation » based on a prosopographical study and on a body of interviews with former activists. This study reveals that anti-imperialism, besides serving as an agent of mobilization, provided a conceptual and ideological framework, as well as a structuring factor, to the protest movements. In particular, it enabled the Swiss radical left to fit its local anti-capitalist struggle into a global horizon of emancipation. This analysis of revolutionary anti- imperialism, which had its heyday in the 1960s and 1970s before experiencing a rapid and almost total decline, thus invites us to see this « turbulent decade » as the end of a long political cycle.

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Public opposition to antiracism laws-an expression of prejudice toward immigrants-is widespread in Switzerland as well as in other European countries. Using data from the European Social Survey 2002 (N = 1,711), the present study examined across Swiss municipalities individual and contextual predictors of opposition to such laws and of two well-established antecedents of prejudice: perceived threat and intergroup contact. The study extends multilevel research on immigration attitudes by investigating the role of the ideological climate prevailing in municipalities (conservative vs. progressive), in addition to structural features of municipalities. Controlling for individual-level determinants, stronger opposition to antiracism laws was found in more conservative municipalities, while the proportion of immigrants was positively related to intergroup contact. Furthermore, in conservative municipalities with a low proportion of immigrants, fewer intergroup contacts were reported. In line with prior research, intergroup contact decreased prejudiced policy stances through a reduction of perceived threat. Overall, this study highlights the need to include normative and ideological features of local contexts in the analysis of public reactions toward immigrants.

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RESUME : De nombreuses espèces animales vivent en groupe. Du simple grégarisme aux colonies hautement intégrées de fourmis, la vie sociale a atteint des degrés divers de complexité. Les nombreuses interactions entre membres d'une société favorisent la transmission de parasites. Cela représente un coût potentiel de la vie sociale. Cette thèse s'intéresse aux défenses permettant de réduire le coût du parasitisme dans les colonies de fourmis ainsi qu'à la manière dont le parasitisme a pu façonner certains aspects de ces sociétés. Les colonies de fourmis des bois (Forimica paralugubris) contiennent de grandes quantités de résine de conifères. Cette résine réduit la densité microbienne dans le nid et augmente la survie des ouvrières lors d'infections parasitaires. Dans cette thèse, nous montrons, d'une part, que les ouvrières collectent activement la résine et que ce comportement est plutôt préventif que curatif et, d'autre part, que la résine permet aux ouvrières une utilisation moindre de leurs défenses immunitaires. Ces résultats permettent de conclure que ce comportement réduit l'exposition au parasitisme et qu'il a une fonction adaptative. L'émergence d'un tel comportement de médication chez une espèce d'insectes sociaux illustre le fait que la socialité, bien yue provoquant une exposition accrue au parasitisme, permet également l'émergence de mécanismes sociaux de défense. II a été suggéré que la présence de plusieurs reines au sein d'un même nid (polygynie) améliore la résistance aux parasites en augmentant la diversité génétique au sein de la colonie. En accord avec cette hypothèse, nous montrons qu'une augmentation de la diversité génétique au sein de groupes expérimentaux de Formica selysi améliore leur survie lors d'une infection parasitaire. Cependant, nous suggérons également que sur le terrain, d'autres facteurs corrélés à la polygynie ont des effets antagoniques sur la résistance. Nous montrons par exemple que les ouvrières polygynes semblent avoir une capacité moindre à monter une réponse immunitaire. Certains aspects de la reproduction des fourmis ont pu également être façonnés par le parasitisme. L'accouplement n'a lieu que lors d'une courte période au début de la vie adulte, généralement à l'extérieur de la colonie. Les reines stockent ensuite le sperme et l'utilisent parcimonieusement au cours de leur vie alors que les males meurent rapidement. Nous montrons que les défenses immunitaires des reines de fourmis des bois (F. paralugubris) sont fortement affectées par l'accouplement. Ces modulations immunitaires sont probablement liées à une augmentation de l'exposition au parasitisme lors de l'accouplement ainsi qu'à des blessures copulatoires. I1 semble donc que l'accouplement soit accompagné de coûts immunitaires pour les reines. Dans son ensemble, cette thèse illustre la diversité des mécanismes de défenses contre les parasites dans les sociétés de fourmis. La vie sociale, en offrant un nouveau niveau d'interaction, permet en effet l'émergence d'adaptations originales. Cela explique probablement le grand succès écologique des espèces sociales. SUMMARY : Sociality is widespread among animals and has reached variable degrees of complexity, from loose social Groups to highly integrated ant colonies. The many interactions between members of a social group promote the spread of parasites, but social life also permits the evolution of original defence mechanisms. This thesis sheds light on how ant colonies defend themselves against parasites, and on how parasitism shapes certain aspects of these societies. Wood ants nests (Formica paralugubris) contain large amounts of conifer resin which reduces the microbial density in ant nests and enhances the survival of ants challenged by some pathogens. We show that resin is actively collected by workers and that resin collection is rather a prophylactic than a curative behaviour. Moreover, we suggest that resin reduces the use of the immune defences of workers. Altogether, these results indicate that the use of resin is a collective adaptation to prevent the spread of parasites. The emergence of medication in a social insect species illustrates that sociality does not only increase the exposure to parasites but also allows the emergence of social mechanisms to counter this threat. The number of reproducing queens per colony is a variable trait in ants. It has been suggested that polygyny (the occurrence of multiple queens within a colony), by increasing the colonial genetic diversity, improves disease resistance. In line with this hypothesis, we show that in a socially polymorphic ant (Formica selysi), an experimental increase of colony genetic diversity enhances disease resistance. However, we also suggest that factors covarying with queen number variation in the field have antagonistic effects on parasite resistance. We show for instance that polygyne workers seem to have lower immune defences. Parasites may also shape some aspects of ant queen reproductive biology. Ant queens mate at the beginning of their adult life, usually outside of the colony, and store sperm for several years to fertilize eggs. Males die shortly after mating and queens never remate later in life, which drastically reduces sexual conflicts. Moreover, mating and nest founding occur away from the collective defence mechanisms of the natal colony and might be associated with an increased risk of parasitism. We show that mating affects the immune defences of wood ant queens (F. paralugubris) in multiple ways that are consistent with mating wounds and increased risk of parasitism. We suggest that mating is associated with immunity costs in ants, despite the reduced level of sexual conflicts. Altogether, my thesis illustrates the diversity of anti-parasite mechanisms in ant societies. This sheds light on how sociality, by offering a new level of interactions, allows the evolution of original adaptations, which may explain the wide ecological success of social species.

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This report compares policy learning processes in 11 European countries. Based on the country reports that were produced by the national teams of the INSPIRES project, this paper develops an argument that connects problem pressure and politicization to learning in different labor market innovations. In short, we argue that learning efforts are most likely to impact on policy change if there is a certain problem pressure that clearly necessitates political action. On the other hand, if problem pressure is very low, or so high that governments need to react immediately, chances are low that learning impacts on policy change. The second part of our argument contends that learning impacts on policy change especially if a problem is not very politicized, i.e. there are no main conflicts concerning a reform, because then, solutions are wound up in the search for a compromise. Our results confirm our first hypothesis regarding the connection between problem pressure and policy learning. Governments learn indeed up to a certain degree of problem pressure. However, once political action becomes really urgent, i.e. in anti-crisis policies, there is no time and room for learning. On the other hand, learning occurred independently from the politicization of problem. In fact, in countries that have a consensual political system, learning occurred before the decision on a reform, whereas in majoritarian systems, learning happened after the adoption of a policy during the process of implementation.