27 resultados para Social assistance policy

em Université de Lausanne, Switzerland


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This article is concerned with the impact that federal structures have on the development of welfare to work or activation policies. More precisely, it argues that the incentives and the risks associated with a division of responsibilities among different jurisdictions may constitute an obstacle to broad reforms that promote labor market participation of nonworking benefit recipients. This argument is illustrated with a case study discussing policy responses to a massive rise in caseloads among social assistance recipients in Switzerland. We conclude that the lack of a fundamental reform was the consequence of the incentives provided by the federal structure of the program. These incentives have both encouraged cost shifting among jurisdictions and discouraged involvement of federal level policy makers in a bigger reform.

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RESUMECette recherche empirique porte sur les emplois temporaires subventionnés (ETS) instaurés dans le cadre du chômage et de l'aide sociale en Suisse depuis une dizaine d'années. La mise en place de politiques d'activation dans le cadre de la protection sociale met l'accent sur les liens explicites, souvent réglementaires, qu'entretiennent actuellement la protection sociale, les politiques de l'emploi et le marché du travail dans les pays industrialisés. Ces transformations ont largement contribué au développement d'activités exercées en marge du marché de l'emploi. Dans le cadre du chômage, comme dans celui de l'aide sociale, une mise au travail peut être exigée en contrepartie du versement des indemnités ; en Suisse, on nomme ce procédé l'assignation au travail. L'assignation est le processus par lequel un-e conseiller?ère en placement peut contraindre, sous peine de sanction (suppression des indemnités pour un temps déterminé) une personne au chômage (inscrit-e auprès d'un office régional de placement) à souscrire à une mesure du marché du travail (MMT), particulièrement les ETS.Cette recherche propose une analyse de l'assignation à un programme d'emploi temporaire sous l'éclairage de la sociologie du travail. Elle adopte une perspective compréhensive attentive aux tensions que vivent les individus pris dans une situation de travail hybride et inédite qui les place aux frontières des différentes catégories administratives de chômage, d'inactivité et de population occupée. Partant d'une étude empirique auprès de personnes assignées, cette recherche mène une analyse qualitative des conditions et de l'organisation du travail en ETS, des modalités contractuelles et statutaires des personnes assignées à une activité de travail contrainte et matériellement non reconnue, puisque non salariée. Elle s'attache également à cerner le vécu de l'assignation au travail, ainsi que le sens que les personnes lui attribuent dans leur trajectoire biographique et professionnelle.SUMMARYThis research investigates a specific and new form of labor, namely «temporary subsidized jobs» {emplois temporaires subventionnés, ETS) that have been developed since the late 1990s in Switzerland in the context of unemployment and social assistance benefits. Although ETS are specific to Switzerland, they echo similar «workfare» measures imposed on unemployed and welfare recipients introduced in recent years in almost all industrialized countries. Indeed, the evolution of public policies and the generalization of «active labour-market policies» {politiques d'activation) have become central to social protection in the majority of Western countries and have emerged in parallel to the expansion of work activities situated at the margins of traditional wage- labor.My analysis of the ETS phenomenon is informed by labor sociology and discusses the pertinence of a classical approach in grasping this hybrid and new work situation, which sets individual persons at the border between various administrative categories such as «unemployed», «inactive» and «at work». I investigate in particular the issue of contractual and statutory modalities imposed on persons who have been assigned to a form of activity that is both constraining as well as materially non-recognized (as it remains outside of traditional wage-labor forms). In order to understand ETS conditions and labor organization, my fieldwork consist of interviews of persons who have been assigned to it and observations. I investigate their personal experience, as well as the meaning that these individuals attribute to the ETS experience in the context of their biographical and professional trajectory.

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In the canton de Vaud, General Practioners (GPs) caring for asylum seekers under the "aide d'urgence" regime can ask for an adaptation of their housing conditions, by filling out a specific form and addressing it to the medical commission responsible for advising the EVAM (the housing institution for asylum seekers) on these issues. The forms addressed to the commission are indicative of a worrisome state of health in this population, especially for mental health. More than 70% report at least one psychiatric diagnosis. Most frequent are anxiety and depressive disorders, as well as many posttraumatic stress disorders, associated with traumatic events both in the country of origin and in Switzerland. Adapting the housing conditions, based on vulnerabilities that the GP has specifically documented, may contribute to improve the health of the most vulnerable asylum seekers.

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To what extent do social policy preferences explain party choice? This question has received little attention over the past years, because the bulk of the literature has argued that electoral choice is increasingly shaped by identity-based attitudes, rather than by preferences for economic-distributive social policies. We argue that in the wake of this debate, the significance of social policy preferences for electoral choice has been underestimated, because most contributions neglect social policy debates that are specific to post-industrial societies. In particular, they merely focus on income redistribution, while neglecting distributive conflicts around social investment. The Selects 2011 data allows investigating this crucial distinction for Switzerland. Our empirical analyses confirm that it is pivotal to take the pluridimensionality of distributive conflicts seriously: when looking at preferences for social investment rather than income redistribution, we find that social policy preferences are significant explanatory factors for the choice of the five major Swiss political parties.

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This article reviews research on policy attitudes and ideological values from the perspective of social representations theory. In the first part of the paper, key features of lay political thinking are presented, its pragmatic imperative, its focus on communication and the social functions of shared knowledge. Objectification transforms abstract and group-neutral ideological values into concrete and socially useful knowledge, in particular stereotypes of value-conforming and value-violating groups. Such shared understandings of intergroup relations provide citizens with common reference knowledge which provides the cognitive and cultural basis of policy attitudes. Social representations theory further suggests that lay knowledge reflects the social context in which it has been elaborated (anchoring), an aspect which allows conceptualising aggregate-level differences in policy attitudes. In the second part of the paper, a model of lay conceptions of social order is outlined which organises four shared conceptions of social order, along with the stereotype-based thinking associated with each conception: Moral order, Free Market, Social diversity and Structural inequality. We conclude by arguing that policy attitudes are symbolic devices expressed to justify or to challenge existing social arrangements.

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Active labor-market policies (ALMPs) have developed significantly over the past two decades across Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries, with substantial cross-national differences in terms of both extent and overall orientation. The objective of this article is to account for cross-national variation in this policy field. It starts by reviewing existing scholarship concerning political, institutional, and ideational determinants of ALMPs. It then argues that ALMP is too broad a category to be used without further specification, and it develops a typology of four different types of ALMPs: incentive reinforcement, employment assistance, occupation, and human capital investment. These are discussed and examined through ALMP expenditure profiles in selected countries. The article uses this typology to analyze ALMP trajectories in six Western European countries and shows that the role of this instrument changes dramatically over time. It concludes that there is little regularity in the political determinants of ALMPs. In contrast, it finds strong institutional and ideational effects, nested in the interaction between the changing economic context and existing labor-market policies.

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This report compares policy learning processes in 11 European countries. Based on the country reports that were produced by the national teams of the INSPIRES project, this paper develops an argument that connects problem pressure and politicization to learning in different labor market innovations. In short, we argue that learning efforts are most likely to impact on policy change if there is a certain problem pressure that clearly necessitates political action. On the other hand, if problem pressure is very low, or so high that governments need to react immediately, chances are low that learning impacts on policy change. The second part of our argument contends that learning impacts on policy change especially if a problem is not very politicized, i.e. there are no main conflicts concerning a reform, because then, solutions are wound up in the search for a compromise. Our results confirm our first hypothesis regarding the connection between problem pressure and policy learning. Governments learn indeed up to a certain degree of problem pressure. However, once political action becomes really urgent, i.e. in anti-crisis policies, there is no time and room for learning. On the other hand, learning occurred independently from the politicization of problem. In fact, in countries that have a consensual political system, learning occurred before the decision on a reform, whereas in majoritarian systems, learning happened after the adoption of a policy during the process of implementation.

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OBJECTIVES: The objective of our qualitative study was to define modalities of psychological support to be offered to couples seeking medically assisted procreation. MATERIAL AND METHODS: Forty couples participated in a semi-structured videotaped interview, which touched on themes such as personal and family histories, the couple's relationship, etc. We focused on the "narrative mobility", that is the way in which the couples transmit their personal and family history during the interview and the interviewer's impression that he may or may not share this with the couples. RESULTS: Observed differences in narrative mobility led us to distinguish three groups of couples and to propose various types of psychological support. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION: This exploratory study, with its interest for the narrative mobility, concerns the couples' capacity to stand back from their own story as responsible interlocutors. We made the hypothesis that this capacity is linked to their capacity to handle their emotional stress, to act as partners to the medical team and to prepare themselves for their future parenthood.