Pregnancy Outcome Following Maternal Exposure To Statins: A Multicenter Prospective Study

Introduction: Statin use for the treatment of hypercholesterolemia in women of childbearing age is increasingly common. However, published data on pregnancy outcome after exposure to statins are scarce and conflicting. This contribution addresses the safety of exposure to statins during pregnancy.Method: In a multi-center (n = 11) observational, prospective study we compared the outcomes of 249 women exposed during the 1st trimester of pregnancy to simvastatin (n = 124), atorvastatin (n = 67), pravastatin (n = 32), rosuvastatin (n = 18), fluvastatin (n = 7) or cerivastatin (n = 1) with a control group exposed to agents known to be non-teratogenic (n = 249). The data were collected by members of the European Network of Teratology Information Services (ENTIS) during individual risk counseling between 1990 and 2009. Standardized procedures for data collection were used in each center.Results: The difference in the rate of major birth defects between the statin-exposed group and the control group was not statistically significant (4.0% vs. 2.7% OR 1.5; 95% CI 0.5-4.5, P = 0.44). The crude rate of spontaneous abortions (12.8% vs. 7.1%, OR 1.9, 95% CI 1.0-3.6, P = 0.04) was higher in the exposed group. However, after adjustment to maternal age and gestational age at initial contact, the difference became statistically insignificant. The rate of elective pregnancy-termination (8.8% vs. 4.4%, P = 0.05) was higher and the rate of deliveries resulting in live births was significantly lower in the statin exposed group (77.9% vs. 88.4%, P = 0.002). Prematurity was more frequent in exposed pregnancies (16.1% vs. 8.5%; OR 2.1, 95% CI 1.1-3.8, P = 0.02). Nonetheless, gestational age at birth (median 39 weeks, IQR 37-40 vs. 39 weeks, IQR 38-40, P = 0.27) and birth weight (median 3280 g, IQR 2835-3590 vs. 3250 g, IQR 2880-3600, P = 0.95) did not differ between exposed and non-exposed pregnancies.Conclusion: This study did not detect a clear teratogenic effect of statins. Its statistical power however is not sufficient to reverse the recommendation of treatment discontinuation during pregnancy. At most, the results are reassuring in case of inadvertent exposure.

Former eating disorder impairs 3rd person but not 1st person perspective taking. Does dance training help?

The mental ability to take the perspective of another person may depend on one's own bodily awareness and experience. In the present study, the former was defined as having a history of an eating disorder, and the latter variable was defined as formal experience with dance. The study used a 2 × 2 × 2 factorial design in which reaction times in two mental perspective taking tasks were compared between female dancers and non-dancers with and without a former eating disorder. Participants were asked to imagine two perspectives: i) the position of front-facing and back-facing figures (3rd person perspective taking task) and ii) that these same figures are a self reflection in a mirror (1st person perspective taking task). In both tasks, a particular hand was indicated in the presented figures, and the participants had to decide whether the hand represented their own left or right hand. Overall, responses were slower for front-facing than back-facing figures in the 3rd person perspective taking task, and for back-facing than front-facing figures in the 1st person perspective taking task. Importantly, having a former history of an eating disorder related to a decreased performance in the 3rd person perspective taking task, but only in participants without dance experience. Results from an additional control group (a history of exercise but no dance experience) indicated that dance is particularly beneficial for mental bodily perspective taking. Dance experience, more so than exercise in general, can benefit 3rd person or extrapersonal perspective taking, supporting the favourable impact this exercise has on own body processing

Myocarditis and coronary dilatation in the 1st week of life: neonatal incomplete Kawasaki disease?

Acute heart failure in the early neonatal period is rare. Normally it is due to asphyxia, severe septicaemia, a congenital heart malformation or a viral myocarditis. Kawasaki disease (KD) as a cause of an neonatal myocarditis is not an established diagnosis. KD is a vasculitis of still unknown origin occurring predominantly in infants and preschool children. KD before the age of 3 months is rare. There are only few reports about KD in the 1st month. We present a newborn who showed the cardiac symptoms of KD in the 1st week of life with coronary dilatation and myocarditis. CONCLUSION: The diagnosis of incomplete KD should be considered not only in infants but also in newborns with signs of myocarditis and coronary abnormalities. Therapy with gammaglobulins may prevent the sequelae of coronary involvement.

War and Natural Resource Exploitation

We build a theoretical framework that allows for endogenous conflict behaviour (i.e., fighting efforts) and for endogenous natural resource exploitation (i.e., speed, ownership, and investments). While depletion is spread in a balanced Hotelling fashion during peace, the presence of conflict creates incentives for rapacious extraction, as this lowers the stakes of future contest. This voracious extraction depresses total oil revenue, especially if world oil demand is relatively elastic and the government's weapon advantage is weak. Some of these political distortions can be overcome by bribing rebels or by government investment in weapons. The shadow of conflict can also make less efficient nationalized oil extraction more attractive than private extraction, as insecure property rights create a holdup problem for the private firm and lead to a lower license fee. Furthermore, the government fights less intensely than the rebels under private exploitation, which leads to more government turnover. Without credible commitment to future fighting efforts, private oil depletion is only lucrative if the government's non-oil office rents are large and weaponry powerful, which guarantees the government a stronger grip on office and makes the holdup problem less severe.

The Swiss Willensnation at Risk: Teachers in the Cultural Gap during the First World War

As a neutral and multilingual country, Switzerland struggled with major domestic political conflicts during the First World War due to the two cultures of the French-speaking and German-speaking parts of the country. The divided cultural loyalties ('fossé moral', 'Röstigraben'), consisting of Swiss-Germans supporting Germany and Swiss-French supporting France, were discussed intensively in both of the main teachers' journals in Switzerland. Teachers felt the need to react and to promote unity from the beginning of the war. Despite the fact that the cantons are responsible for public education and, therefore, for the education of their students, teachers considered themselves called to educate their students to be national citizens rather than to be members of a language group. This threefold citizenship - communal, cantonal and national - was not scrutinised, but national unity became crucial due to the critical political circumstances. How did teachers promote and constitute citizenship for themselves and for their students in a nation united by free will during the First World War, a time of severe internal political conflicts?

War Signals: A Theory of Trade, Trust and Conflict

We construct a dynamic theory of civil conflict hinging on inter-ethnic trust and trade. The model economy is inhabitated by two ethnic groups. Inter-ethnic trade requires imperfectly observed bilateral investments and one group has to form beliefs on the average propensity to trade of the other group. Since conflict disrupts trade, the onset of a conflict signals that the aggressor has a low propensity to trade. Agents observe the history of conflicts and update their beliefs over time, transmitting them to the next generation. The theory bears a set of testable predictions. First, war is a stochastic process whose frequency depends on the state of endogenous beliefs. Second, the probability of future conflicts increases after each conflict episode. Third, "accidental" conflicts that do not reflect economic fundamentals can lead to a permanent breakdown of trust, plunging a society into a vicious cycle of recurrent conflicts (a war trap). The incidence of conflict can be reduced by policies abating cultural barriers, fostering inter-ethnic trade and human capital, and shifting beliefs. Coercive peace policies such as peacekeeping forces or externally imposed regime changes have instead no persistent effects.