The Enigma of the Silent Closing of Acts (28,16-31)

(Résumé de l'ouvrage) In the first volume of this long-anticipated collection by Moessner and Tiede, seventeen leading scholars of antiquity present an amazing "sea change" of opinion that Luke is indeed the interpreter of Israel. The book represents an unprecedented international consensus that the Hellenistic author Luke composed a carefully crafted narrative in two parts to claim Jesus of Nazareth as Israel's true heritage and enduring legacy to the world. Part One explores the nature of Luke's prologues and his intention to write a narrative of "events brought to fruition," using the narrative conventions and audience expectations of the Greco-Roman milieu. Part Two illuminates the relation of Luke's second "volume" to the first by inquiring about the consistency and coherence of his narrative-thematic strategies in retelling the story of Israel's legacy of "the Christ." Whether Luke completed Acts, the larger role of Paul and, most significantly, the meaning of Israel by the end of Acts are approached from new perspectives and charged with provocative insights. In addition to the volume editors, the contributors include L. Alexander, D. Schmidt, V. Robbins, C. Thornton, R. Pervo, W. Kurz, C. Holladay, G. Sterling, D. Balch, E. Plmacher, Charles H. Talbert, J.H. Hayes, D. Marguerat, M. Wolter, R. Tannehill, and I. H. Marshall.

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The present article examines the final part of the regnal formulas in the Book of Kings, i.e. the epilogue formulary. Most reports of the kings of Israel and Judah end with an epilogue containing formulaic statements about the death of the king and his succession. Typically, the epilogue formula is introduced by the phrase (source reference): 'Now the rest of the acts of PN1, are they not written in the Book of the Chronicles of the Kings of Judah (of the Chronicles of the Kings of Israel)?' and consists of three elements: 1. Dynastic notice ('PN1 slept with his fathers'); 2. Statement of burial; 3. Statement of succession. Sometimes one, two or all three of these elements are altered or lacking. The epilogue formulae of the Judean kings are more consistent than those of the Israelite kings; the latter often lacks a burial notice. Interestingly, the accounts of the deported (arrested) kings (Hoshea: 2 Kgs 17:6, Jehoahaz: 23:34, Zedekiah:25:7 and Jehoiachin: 25:27-30) do not contain an epilogue at all, nor the accounts of the reigns of Ahaziah and Athaliah which mark an episode of disruption in the history of the Davidic kingdom. For all these kings even the phrase 'Now the rest of the acts of PN1, are they not written in the Book of the Chronicles of... ?' is lacking. The absence of an epilogue in these cases is probably due to the fact that the king's succession (cf. element 3) is considered a constitutive and indispensable component of the epilogue. In the first instance, the approach of this study is descriptive and philological; it aims to contribute to the understanding of the notices. Secondly, the study addresses the question how the irregularities and variations within the formulae are to be explained. In particular, the study will pay attention to differences between the epilogue formulae concerning the kings of Israel and those concerning the Judean kings. At the end, questions concerning the epilogues formula's provenance and its formation date and concerning further redactional developments will be considered.

"Acheiro-poïétique" du cinéma: le Christ révélé par l'écran

Selon la tradition orientale, les représentations de Jésus trouveraient toutes leur origine dans les images acheiropoïètes, c'est-à-dire dans des figurations de la "Sainte Face" du Christ non faites de main d'homme, mais survenues par apparition divine -sur le voile de Véronique, le Saint Suaire, le mandylion d'Edesse, etc. Ces images qui, pour des théologiens de l'icône tels que Léonide Ouspensky, ne sont rien moins que "la manifestation du miracle fondamental : la venue du Créateur dans sa création" (in L'Image du Christ non faite de main d'homme, 1989), ont toujours été le ferment d'expérimentations multiples chez les peintres et les sculpteurs.Mais la réflexion artistique s'est cristallisée au moment où ces images sont devenues l'apanage de médiums issus de "l'ère de la reproductibilité technique" chère à Benjamin. En effet, les images "théographes" auraient pour spécificité d'être engendrées et de se multiplier par empreinte immédiate: une toile quelconque n'aurait qu'à être touchée par le visage du Christ pour devenir instantanément le support du divin portrait, et acquérir dès lors le "pouvoir reconnu aux acheiropoïètes de créer des doubles de même valeur, par simple contact" (François Boespflug, Dieu et ses images. Une histoire de l'Eternel dans l'art, 2008). Comment mieux faire écho aux principes mêmes de l'image (ciné)photographique, générée par indicialité et reproductibilité? André Bazin a eu l'intuition de cette parenté dans le cadre de sa théorisation sur le pouvoir "révélateur" de l'image (ciné)photographique qui selon lui procéderait "par sa genèse" de "l'ontologie du modèle" et "serait" le modèle; il a évoqué le Saint Suaire de Turin comme rejouant, voire emblématisant cette même "ontologie de l'image photographique" (dans l'article homonyme de 1945). Si Bazin ne développe pas plus avant ses considérations, la corrélation des dispositifs (ciné)photographique et acheiropoïète a connu un questionnement « en actes », au sein des films cherchant à représenter Jésus.Valentine Robert s'intéresse à ces expérimentations, à commencer par un projet de film d'Abel Gance de 1947, resté inachevé, où le suaire de Turin devait se transformer en écran de cinéma. Plusieurs autres productions seront abordées, telles que Civilization ou The Robe, qui explorent les effets visuels permis par la pellicule pour montrer le Christ en surimpression, dans une sorte d'"apparition technologique", ou telles que The Jesus Film ou The Passion of the Christ, dont la projection a été reçue par certains publics comme une apparition sacrée réactualisant l'Incarnation. Les modalités de la représentation des images acheiropoïètes et plus généralement de l'apparition de Jésus à l'écran seront enfin évoquées - de la tradition hollywoodiennes qui consistait à refuser l'accès de la "Sainte Face" à la pellicule et de la rejeter hors-champ jusqu'aux séquences d'Ecce Homo de Scorsese et Zeffirelli, en passant par la révélation visuelle inaugurant The King of Kings, qui pousse à son paroxysme la collusion entre apparition divine et apparition cinématographique.

Le sophiste Dion de Pruse, le bon roi et l'empereur

Cet article porte sur la réflexion politique grecque au sujet du principat et sur les relations entre le sophiste Dion de Pruse (40-50 après J.-C. - après 110 ?) et le pouvoir impérial. Il propose une analyse des discours de Dion qui concernent les modèles de royauté : les quatre discours Sur la royauté (Or. I à IV), l'Agamemnon (Or. LVI), le discours Sur la royauté et la tyrannie (Or. LXII). La première partie examine les circonstances de rédaction ou de prononciation des discours, afin de distinguer différentes étapes dans la pensée politique du sophiste et dans son jugement sur la figure de l'empereur. La deuxième partie étudie les deux images du « bon » roi : le roi imparfait, soumis à reddition de compte ; l'Optimus Princeps. Cette seconde image, beaucoup plus développée, est définie à la fois par un ensemble de vertus et par l'imitation du roi des dieux. La troisième partie analyse les objectifs de Dion, compare sa réflexion avec celles des intellectuels romains du Ier et du IIe siècles, dégage sa position complexe à l'égard du principat et de la figure de Trajan. The paper focuses on Greek political thinking on principate as well as on the relations between the sophist Dio of Prusa (40-50 till 100 A.D. ?) and the imperial power. It analyses Dion's speeches on royal models : the four speeches On Kingship (Or. I to IV), the Agamemnon (Or. LVI) as well as the speech On Kingship and Tyranny (Or. LXII). The first part examines under which circumstances these speeches have been drafted and given, in order to highlight the evolution of the sophist's political thinking and his assessment of the figure of emperor. Secondly, the two images of a good king are examined : the imperfect and accountable king on the one hand, the Optimus Princeps on the other. The latter image, more largely developed, is both defined by a collection of virtues and an imitation of the king of gods. The third and last part analyses Dion's objectives, compares his thoughts with the ones of 1st and 2nd centuries Roman intellectuals and sketches his complex standpoint towards the principate and Trajan.

Transformations et influences dans «l'historiographie» juive de la fin du VIIe s. av. notre ère jusqu'à l'époque perse

The origins of biblical historiography may be dated to the end of the VIIth c. and linked to those of the deuteronomic school itself. In order to justify Josiah's politics, his scribes elaborated a collection of texts (Deut, Josh, Kings, a vita Mosis in Gen-Nb) which were widely inspired by Assyrian ideology. During the Babylonian exile, this literature underwent a transformation: the new created « Deuteronomistic History, (Deut-2 Kings) converted propaganda into theodicee. The Deuteronomists were still at work in the Persian period as can be seen in numerous texts in Deut-2 Kings, as well as in the edition of the prophetic corpus. From now on, dtr ideology was centered on three points: the restauration by law, the end of prophecy and the need to separate Israel from the « others » (cf. EsdNeh). But the Persian period was also the, time of compromise. The Pentateuch was made by putting together dtr and priestly ideologies, « autochtonous » and « exodic » views about the origins of Israel.

Le prêt à intérêt dans l'Antiquité préchrétienne : Jérusalem, Athènes, Rome : étude juridique, philosophique et historiographique

Le prêt à intérêt était pratiqué par tous les peuples de l'Antiquité préchrétienne, à l'exception du peuple d'Israël. L'auteur examine d'abord l'interdiction du prêt à intérêt dans l'Ancien Testament. Il expose ensuite la pratique du prêt à intérêt en Grèce, avant de détailler les critiques d'Aristote. Enfin, l'auteur retrace l'évolution du prêt (mutuum) et de la réglementation de l'intérêt à Rome, des origines à Constantin. Il met l'accent sur trois grandes controverses parmi les romanistes modernes (XVIe - XXIe s.) : sur le nexum, sur la centesima et, surtout, sur le mystérieux fenus unciarium, le taux d'intérêt fixé par les Douze Tables, pour lequel l'éventail des interprétations va de 1 à 100 % par an ! L'auteur recense les opinions de plus de 400 juristes et historiens, discute les plus importantes et propose sa conclusion. The loan at interest was used by all the peoples of pre-Christian Antiquity, excepting the people of Israel. The author first focuses on the prohibition of lending at interest in the Old Testament. He then explores the use of loans at interest in Greece before examining Aristotle's criticism. Eventually, the author follows the evolution of loan (mutuum) and interest regulation in Rome, from the origins to Constantine. Three great controversies among modern Roman law scholars (16th - 21th) are considered: nexum, centesima and above all, the mysterious fenus unciarium, the interest rate defined by the Twelve Tables, for which the range of interpretations varies between 1 and 100% per year! The author gives an inventory of more than 400 opinions expressed by jurists and historians, discusses the most important ones and suggests a solution.

La fureur divine et son détournement en Nb 25

The story Numbers of 25 which reports the incident of Baal Peor is one among several texts in the book of Numbers focusing on divine wrath, its cause and its consequences. The present article offers a detailed analysis of the account which is difficult to understand because of certain jumps in the plot and because of its allusive style. Scholars mostly agree with the idea that the story grew in two or three stages. A lot of commentators believe that the original story contains only the apostasy of Peor caused by the Moabites (vv. 1-5). A subsequent story would focus on Pinchas' action against Zimri and Kospi, and a third layer is linked to the story of the war between Israel and Midian (Numbers 31). The problem of this theory however is that it seems impossible to reconstruct an original story about the matter of Peor; one does not find a satisfying end within vv. 1-5. Furthermore, v. 5, which belongs to the first, "Moabite", section, is already linked to the theme of Midian which dominates the second and the third passage. Moreover, the assemblage of different themes and motifs seem having been done with care: Regarding the two abuses of Israel reported in the story--idolatry and intermarriage--, they often go together in late polemical Deuteronomistic and post-Deuteronomistic layers (Ezra-Nehemiah). The double focus on Midian and Moab could both be polemically directed against certain Moses traditions found in the books of Exodus and Deuteronomy (concerning Moses' marriage with a Midianite women on the one hand and his stay and death and burial in Moab - in the vicinity of Beth Peor - on the other hand). As in several ANE traditions also in the Hebrew Bible the motif of "divine wrath" serves to interpret fatal historical events; in Num 25 as in other Biblical stories however it is doubtful whether the alleged incident (the plague) really have taken place and the story's plot is anchored in ancient Israel's history.