13 resultados para Roca, Joan -- Interviews
em Université de Lausanne, Switzerland
Resumo:
Background: The exploratory study is part of an evaluation of the pre-graduate teaching of communication skills (Lausanne Medical School). It is based on the data of a project highlighting the impact of individualized vs. group training for medicine students in breaking bad news to simulated patients who are diagnosed with cancer. The analysis of the video-taped interviews of the students (N=63) with the RIAS has shown a current usage of utterances such as I don't know if -you have any plans for the future / you have already heard about chemotherapy / ... or I don't know how -you are feeling today after this surgery / you like that all this stuff takes place / ...Aim: The present study questions the specificity of these assertive utterances used as questions (indirect), the specificity of their content, and their intentionality - specific vs. exploratory.Methods: The mentioned utterances are qualitatively analyzed (content analysis, intentionality analysis, etc).Results: 26 students (41%) used 1 to 6 times I don't know utterances during the interviews that contain 53 of such utterances in total. In contrast, they are atypical in an oncologist sample who conducted similar interviews (N=31; 4 oncologist used them 1 to 2 times). In more than half of the cases (29/53), simulated patients interpret I don't know questions as giving them a space to speak (open responses). Conclusions: The atypicality of the I don't know utterances in the oncologist sample may have linguistic explanations in terms of generational marker, but the specificity of the content suggests psychological explanations in terms of defense mechanism as well (marker of "toning down" or insecurity as regards the discussed topic).Keywords: Breaking bad news, communication skills, oncology, pre-graduate medical education, indirect questioning
Resumo:
Purpose: After tobacco and alcohol, cannabis is the most used substance among adolescents in Switzerland. Our aim is to assess whether cannabis use has become an ordinary means of socialization. We hypothesize that cannabis consumption has become a normative, although still illegal, behavior. Methods: As part of a larger qualitative study aimed at assessing new ways [patterns] of cannabis consumption, 16 daily cannabis consumers (11 males) and 2 former heavy consumers (both females), aged 15 to 20 years, participated in interviews and focus groups. Data were transcribed verbatim and analyzed using Atlas.ti qualitative analysis software. Results: Most consumers define the beginning of their consumption as a moment when they made new friends. They commonly use cannabis in group settings, which encourages the belief that all adolescents use cannabis. Thus, cannabis is mainly identified as an everyday social act. Joints are smoked like cigarettes: at all times of the day, during or after school or work with peers, often starting at lunch break, and mostly in public places. Friends offer a joint in a group setting, much like beer in a bar, as a means of making contact. Consumption invariably increases while socializing on vacation: "During vacation, we smoke up to 10-15 joints a day; at the end we're just dead." Additionally, in order to obtain cannabis, consumers have to be part of the right networks; they generally have several dealers to assure their supply, buy and sell themselves, or practice group-buying. As a result, all friends or acquaintances of consumers are themselves cannabis users. For instance, 4 boys, who say they are best friends, always smoke together and that, in order to quit, "All four of us should say to ourselves, 'Okay, now, let's all stop smoking'. That would be the only solution. . .but it would be impossible!" The 2 former consumers state that when they started using cannabis, "I found myself little by little in a vicious circle where I saw only people who also smoked". When they quit, they separated from their group of friends: "Either you make new friends who don't smoke or you smoke." Conclusions: Discussions with consumers demonstrate a normative facet of cannabis consumption as part of teenage socialization. Consequently, cannabis consumers develop a significant dependency since a majority of their friends use cannabis and their consumption involves most of their daily social life. Our study highlights the need for clear messages about the harmful aspects of using this substance while also suggesting that cessation efforts should include helping users separate from their consumption milieu. Sources of Support: Dept. of Public Health of the canton of Vaud.
Resumo:
The purpose of this article is to identify tobacco and cannabis co-consumptions and consumers' perceptions of each substance. A qualitative research including 22 youths (14 males) aged 15-21 years in seven individual interviews and five focus groups. Discussions were recorded, transcribed verbatim and transferred to Atlas.ti software for narrative analysis. The main consumption mode is cannabis cigarettes which always mix cannabis and tobacco. Participants perceive cannabis much more positively than tobacco, which is considered unnatural, harmful and addictive. Future consumption forecasts thus more often exclude tobacco smoking than cannabis consumption. A substitution phenomenon often takes place between both substances. Given the co-consumption of tobacco and cannabis, in helping youths quit or decrease their consumptions, both substances should be taken into account in a global approach. Cannabis consumers should be made aware of their tobacco use while consuming cannabis and the risk of inducing nicotine addiction through cannabis use, despite the perceived disconnect between the two substances. Prevention programs should correct made-up ideas about cannabis consumption and convey a clear message about its harmful consequences. Our findings support the growing evidence which suggests that nicotine dependence and cigarette smoking may be induced by cannabis consumption.
Resumo:
Ambulatory pediatric and family medicine takes care of adolescent patients, most of whom regularly consult a physician. Consultations with young people involve issues specifically related to their age. Regarding health care systems and physicians, adolescents' expectations vary from those of adults, not so much in terms of the issues discussed but in terms of the priorities that they give to them. Confidential interviews are not always proposed but are highly appreciated, as are certain personal qualities on the part of the caregivers such as honesty, respect, and friendliness. Finally, easy access to care together with the continuity of care are essential. Prevention of risk behaviors by screening and health education is clearly insufficient. This issue could be approached during the consultation through a psychosocial history. This is a good opportunity to discuss sensitive issues that adolescents seldom bring up themselves. More systematic prevention would probably decrease youth morbidity and mortality, which are both closely related to risk behaviors. To meet these expectations and special health care needs, the World Health Organization has developed the concept of youth-friendly health services. This concept can be applied in both a specialized adolescence center and a pediatric or family practice. Youth-friendly services are still rarely evaluated but seem to bring a clear benefit in terms of patient satisfaction and access to care.
Resumo:
Cette recherche sur les jeux d'argent et de hasard au sein de la population des jeunes résidents Suisses avait trois objectifs. Pour avoir des données de base, nous nous sommes d'une part intéressés à la prévalence de ce comportement et, basé sur des critères de fréquence, avons mis en évidence une population plus à risque de subir des conséquences néfastes du jeu;à savoir ceux qui jouent au minimum une fois par semaine. Le deuxième objectif était de déterminer s'il existait une association entre la fréquence du jeu et 1) l'utilisation de substances, 2) une mauvaise santé mentale et/ou 3) un faible support social, comme cela a été décrit dans la littérature pour les joueurs pathologiques. Finalement, pour savoir si les joueurs fréquents étaient «fixés» sur un seul type de jeu ou au contraire jouaient de manière non-sélective, nous avons effectué la corrélation entre la fréquence de jeu et le nombre de jeux différents dans lesquels les jeunes étaient impliqués.Pour ces analyses, nous avons utilisé la base de données de l'Enquête Suisse sur la Santé 2007, une étude transversale interrogeant des résidents suisses âgés de 15 ans ou plus. Cette enquête a été menée en deux étapes: 1) un questionnaire téléphonique (taux de réponse: 66.3%) puis 2) un questionnaire écrit (taux de réponse: 80.5% de ceux qui ont répondu à l'interview téléphonique). En tenant compte de la pondération pour l'échantillon de participants ayant répondu aux deux types d'interviews, nous avons considéré uniquement les personnes âgées de 15 à 24 ans. Au total 1116 (582 hommes) participants ont été retenus pour notre étude.Pour répondre au second objectif, nous avons comparé trois groupes. Les non-joueurs (NJ, n=577), les joueurs occasionnels (JO, n=388) et les joueurs fréquents (JF, n=151) ont été étudiés d'abord grâce à des analyses bivariées, puis à une régression multinomiale permettant de tenir compte des facteurs confondants. La sélection des variables pour la régression a été basée sur une méthode «bootstrap» permettant de produire des résultats représentatifs de la population entière et pas uniquement de l'échantillon analysé.Nous avons procédé de manière similaire pour répondre à la troisième question de recherche, mais en comparant uniquement les joueurs occasionnels et les joueurs fréquents.Les résultats ont mis en évidence que 48.3% des jeunes résidents suisses étaient impliqués dans au moins un type de jeu dans l'année précédente. Par ailleurs, 13.5% (n=151) des 15 à 24 ans jouaient au minimum une fois par semaine.Au niveau bivarié, la fréquence de jeu était associée à des facteurs sociodémographiques comme le sexe masculin, l'âge (les JO étant les plus âgés), et le revenu personnel. La fréquence de jeu était également significativement associée au fait de fumer du tabac quotidiennement, d'être actuellement fumeur de cannabis et d'avoir une consommation d'alcool à risque (beuveries). La mauvaise santé mentale (épisode de dépression majeure ou détresse psychologique) et le faible support relationnel (personne de confiance dans l'entourage ou activités de loisirs) n'étaient pas associés à la fréquence de jeu de manière significative, bien qu'une nette tendance en faveur des NJ ait pu être mise en évidence. Au niveau multivarié, les JO et JF étaient plus âgés, plus souvent de sexe masculin et habitaient plus souvent en Suisse romande que les NJ. Les JO étaient plus à risque que les NJ de se soumettre à des beuveries de manière occasionnelle et les JF étaient plus à risque que les NJ d'être des fumeurs de tabac quotidiens.En comparant les JO et les JF, nous avons obtenu une correlation élevée (r=0.85;p<0.0001) entre la fréquence de jeu et le nombre de jeux dans lesquels les jeunes étaient impliqués. Ceci indiquant que les JF ne semblent pas très sélectifs quant au type de jeu auquel ils jouent.Dans la mesure où le jeu est un comportement très prévalent au sein de la population des jeunes résidents suisses, il doit probablement être vu comme une conduite faisant partie des comportements exploratoires de l'adolescence. Néanmoins, au vu des comportements à risque qui y sont associés, la question du jeu devrait être soulevée par les médecins s'occupant de jeunes adultes à des fins de prévention.
Resumo:
OBJECTIVE: This research explored medical students' use and perception of technical language in a practical training setting to enhance skills in breaking bad news in oncology. METHODS: Terms potentially confusing to laypeople were selected from 108 videotaped interviews conducted in an undergraduate Communication Skills Training. A subset of these terms was included in a questionnaire completed by students (N=111) with the aim of gaining insight into their perceptions of different speech registers and of patient understanding. Excerpts of interviews were analyzed qualitatively to investigate students' communication strategies with respect to these technical terms. RESULTS: Fewer than half of the terms were clarified. Students checked for simulated patients' understanding of the terms palliative and metastasis/to metastasize in 22-23% of the interviews. The term ambulatory was spontaneously explained in 75% of the interviews, hepatic and metastasis/to metastasize in 22-24%. Most provided explanations were in plain language; metastasis/to metastasize and ganglion/ganglionic were among terms most frequently explained in technical language. CONCLUSION: A significant number of terms potentially unfamiliar and confusing to patients remained unclarified in training interviews conducted by senior medical students, even when they perceived the terms as technical. PRACTICE IMPLICATIONS: This exploration may offer important insights for improving future physicians' skills.
Resumo:
[Table des matières] Comportements à risque et usage des préservatifs (enquête représentative auprès des jeunes Suisses de 17-30 ans): questionnaire. - Comportements à risque et usage de préservatifs (enquête auprès des médecins Sentinelles): questionnaires. - Attitudes des leaders d'opinion informels: questionnaires. - Enquête "Adolescents": questionnaire et guide d'entretien. - Enquête "Dragueurs": projet de grille-questionnaire. - Enquête "Sex-tourisme tropical": guide d'interview. - Enquête "Homosexuels": questionnaire et guide d'interview. - Enquête "Toxicomanes": questionnaire.
Resumo:
Purpose: To assess the relation between cannabis and tobacco consumption among adolescents in Switzerland and whether cannabis and tobacco co-users can quit cigarette smoking. Methods: Based on individual interviews and focus groups, 22 youths aged 15-20 discussed cannabis consumption behaviours. Twenty (14 males) were cannabis consumers - of which 18 also smoked tobacco and 2 quit tobacco smoking - and 2 were former cannabis consumers (both females and daily smokers). Data were transcribed verbatim and analyzed using Atlas.ti qualitative analysis software. Results: Among the co-consumers, 9 started with tobacco, 7 with cannabis, and 2 with both. The main consumption mode among all cannabis consumers is joints, while other ways of consuming such as food preparations and water pipes are rare and experimental. Joints always mix cannabis with tobacco for 3 reasons: to burn correctly, pure cannabis is too strong, and smoking cannabis alone is too expensive. Two cannabis consumers - one former tobacco smoker and one occasional tobacco smoker - consider rolling tobacco less addictive than cigarette tobacco alone, and hence use it in their joints. Overall cannabis is considered 'natural' and less harmful to health than tobacco. Thus, many users describe their wish, in the longer term, to quit tobacco consumption without excluding occasional cannabis consumption. Nonetheless, all coconsumers declare that they smoke cigarettes as a substitute for cannabis: For example, "If I don't have a joint, I need fags; if I don't have fags, I need joints; and if I don't have anything, I go crazy!" or "About 20 minutes after smoking a joint we feel like smoking something again, because in the joint there is pure tobacco without a filter as in cigarettes, and that creates a crazy dependency!". Finally, all co-consumers state that the consumption of one of the substances increases when trying to diminish the other: "A few months ago I stopped smoking joints for a month. Well I was smoking more than a pack [of cigarettes] a day." Similarly, the 2 former cannabis consumers increased their cigarette use since quitting cannabis. Conclusions: The majority of cannabis users co-consume tobacco as a way of compensating for one substance or the other. Using tobacco within joints implies that there is a risk that even occasional joints can revive nicotine addiction. Consequently, health professionals wishing to help adolescents in substance use cessation and prevention efforts should consider both substances in a global perspective. Sources of Support: Dept. of Public Health of the canton of Vaud.
Resumo:
Understanding the basis on which recruiters form hirability impressions for a job applicant is a key issue in organizational psychology and can be addressed as a social computing problem. We approach the problem from a face-to-face, nonverbal perspective where behavioral feature extraction and inference are automated. This paper presents a computational framework for the automatic prediction of hirability. To this end, we collected an audio-visual dataset of real job interviews where candidates were applying for a marketing job. We automatically extracted audio and visual behavioral cues related to both the applicant and the interviewer. We then evaluated several regression methods for the prediction of hirability scores and showed the feasibility of conducting such a task, with ridge regression explaining 36.2% of the variance. Feature groups were analyzed, and two main groups of behavioral cues were predictive of hirability: applicant audio features and interviewer visual cues, showing the predictive validity of cues related not only to the applicant, but also to the interviewer. As a last step, we analyzed the predictive validity of psychometric questionnaires often used in the personnel selection process, and found that these questionnaires were unable to predict hirability, suggesting that hirability impressions were formed based on the interaction during the interview rather than on questionnaire data.