Le suicide comme langage de l'oppression. Ethnographie d'un service d'urgences psychiatriques

Ce travail s'intéresse à la problématique du suicide à partir de l'émergence en Suisse, vers la fin des années '90, de la prévention du suicide comme préoccupation sociale et politique. Au début, ce sont les milieux associatifs qui ont soulevé à cette question en percevant le suicide comme le reflet d'une souffrance d'origine sociale. Par la suite, la prévention du suicide est progressivement devenue une problématique de santé publique appréhendée essentiellement sous le registre médical comme étant le symptôme d'une pathologie psychiatrique. Après une première partie consacrée aux processus sociopolitiques et aux transformations morales touchant le suicide et sa prévention, ce travail approfondit, au travers d'un terrain ethnographique, la prise en charge des personnes présentant des problématiques suicidaires au sein d'un service d'urgences psychiatriques.Malgré une approche se voulant biopsychosociale, l'analyse des discours et des pratiques soignantes montre que la dimension sociale est largement négligée, conduisant à une médicalisation de situations de détresse qui sont principalement de nature sociale. En effet, parmi la population qui fréquente le service, on observe une surreprésentation de personnes issues des classes sociales défavorisées présentant souvent des trajectoires biographiques particulièrement difficiles. Au fil des entretiens avec les patients émerge une analyse voyant la souffrance psychique et la prise en charge psychiatrique comme étant aujourd'hui une manière d'obtenir une reconnaissance sociale et symbolique. Les problématiques suicidaires peuvent ainsi être interprétées comme une forme d'expression, un langage au travers duquel s'exprime la position sociale défavorisée.En adoptant une posture militante construite à partir de la réalité ethnographique, les problématiques suicidaires sont analysées comme l'expression d'une condition d'oppression liée à un cadre social et économique de plus en plus contraignant, à des rapports de pouvoir inégaux ainsi qu'à une lecture individualisante, médicalisante et pathologisante des problèmes sociaux.The present thesis discusses suicide prevention in Switzerland, which emerged as a social and political issue at the end of the '90s. At first, this question was taken up by associations considering suicide as a reflection of social suffering. Thereafter, suicide prevention gradually became a public health matter conceived with a medical approach as a symptom of a psychiatric disease. The first part of this work analyzes the sociopolitical process and moral transformations concerning suicide and its prevention. The second part is based on an ethnographic fieldwork conducted in a psychiatric emergency unit that attends people who have tried to attempt their life or consider doing it. Through the analysis of discourses and practices of the medical staff, this research shows that the social aspect of suicide is widely neglected, leading to a medicalization of social problems. In fact, amongst patients attending the emergency unit, there is an over-­-representation of people from disadvantaged classes having very difficult life stories. Interviews with patients also revealed that psychic suffering and psychiatric treatment is nowadays a way to get social and symbolical recognition. Suicidal problems can be understood as a language expressing a disadvantaged social position. By adopting a militant position constructed from the ethnographic reality, suicide is analyzed as the expression of an oppressed condition related to a more and more restricted social and economic situation, to unequal power relations as well as to an individualistic, medical and pathological interpretation of social problems.

Les parlementaires suisses entre démocratisation et professionnalisation (1910-2010). Biographie collective des élus fédéraux et réformes du Parlement helvétique

Notre travail de thèse vise à analyser, d'une part, les principales réformes du Parlement fédéral adoptées au cours du 20e siècle et, d'autre part, l'évolution du profil sociographique pour six cohortes d'élus fédéraux (1910, 1937, 1957, 1980, 2000 et 2010), sous l'angle de sa démocratisation et de sa professionnalisation. La thèse comprend trois axes de recherche principaux. Premièrement, nous nous penchons sur les deux réformes institutionnelles censées favoriser la démocratisation du recrutement parlementaire, à savoir l'adoption de la proportionnelle pour l'élection du Conseil national en 1918 et l'introduction du suffrage féminin à l'échelon fédéral en 1971. Nous abordons également les réformes du Parlement visant, depuis les années 1970, à sa revalorisation et à sa professionnalisation. Le deuxième axe porte sur la réalisation d'un portrait collectif des élus fédéraux pour la période 1910-1980, dans le but de vérifier l'impact des réformes des règles électorales (proportionnelle et suffrage féminin) sur le profil des députés et sénateurs. Enfin, dans le troisième axe, nous abordons les transformations du profil socio-professionnel des parlementaires pendant la période plus récente (1980-2010), en lien avec la professionnalisation accrue de l'Assemblée fédérale et les changements des rapports de force partisans. Nos résultats permettent de mettre en évidence plusieurs éléments de continuité (prédominance de la catégories des indépendants, notamment des avocats, des chefs d'entreprise et des agriculteurs, et sous-représentation des salariés du secteur public ; fort ancrage local), ainsi que certains facteurs de rupture (présence accrue des femmes, moindre importance de la carrière militaire). D'autres changements dans le profil sont liés au processus récent de professionnalisation, contesté et inachevé, qui a favorisé néanmoins l'émergence de nouveaux profils sociologiques d'élus, en termes de formation, de profession (apparition du groupe des parlementaires professionnels) et de cumul des mandats économiques et politiques, avec cependant de fortes variations entre les partis et entre les deux Chambres. - Our PhD thesis aims at analysing, on the one hand, the main reforms of the Federal Parliament adopted during the 20th century and, on the other hand, the evolution of sociographical profile for six cohorts of Swiss MPs (1910, 1937, 1957, 1980, 2000 and 2010) in terms of their democratization and professionalization. Our research is composed of three main parts. Firstly, we analyse two institutional reforms which intended to promote the democratization of parliamentary recruitment, namely the adoption of proportional representation (PR) in 1918 for the election of the National Council and the introduction of women's suffrage at the federal level in 1971. We also deal with parliamentary reforms that, since the 1970s, have aimed at reasserting the political status of the Federal Assembly and at professionalizing its members. Secondly, we carry out a collective biography of Swiss MPs during the period 1910-1980, in order to verify the impact of electoral reforms (PR and women's suffrage) on the profiles of deputies and senators. Finally, we discuss the transformation of the MPs' socio-_professional profiles during the recent period (1980-2010) in connection with the increased professionalization of the Federal Assembly and the changes of the power relations within the Parliament. Our results allow us to highlight several elements of continuity (the predominance of self-employed persons, especially lawyers, business managers and farmers, and the underrepresentation of public employees; stronger background in local politics), as well as some factors of discontinuity (increased presence of women and lesser importance of the military career). Other changes of the parliamentarians' profile are related to the recent process of professionalization. Although contested and unfinished, it has promoted new sociological profiles in terms of educational background, profession (growth of the professional parliamentarians) and number of political and economic mandates held simultaneously, however with important variations between parties and between Lower and Upper House.

Critical Mobilities

The field of mobility studies examines social phenomena through the lens of movement. In this perspective, societies are regarded as being constantly reconfigured as they are shaped by a series of mobile entities (capital, people, information). This book engages critically with many of the claims and challenges of mobility studies by providing empirically rich reports of mobilities and their limitations. Instead of assuming a seamless world of flows, the volume foregrounds questions of power, inequality, and moorings as integral to the movement of capital, goods, images, practices, or people. It brings together the work of several internationally renowned scholars, who engage with these movements at critical sites. This is the first book to provide a critical and interdisciplinary view of mobilities covering a broad range of issues rather than a single domain. The chapters deal with current and important issues, such as organ transplants, illegal migrations, urban globalization, international policies of higher education institutions, and scientific diasporas. As a whole, the book provides new insights into how power relations shape mobilities and societies.

The Europeanisation of the measurement of diversity in education: a soft instrument of public policy

Faced with an increasing number of data and rankings, the author questions the roles of the different groups of actors who were originally involved in questioning the use of statistical indicators as a means of addressing issues of access to higher education. The comparison and nature of these international (UNESCO, OECD, EUROSTAT) and national (Germany, England, France, Switzerland) indicators in matters of inequalities of access to higher education question the tension between the discourses and the indicators they generate, and their recording at the national level. Who says what and with what consequences? What range of actors are involved in this process? What kind of power relations forms them? The author discusses how the issue of inequalities of access to higher education got on to the agendas of European organisations, identifies the policies that were defined, and sets them against an array of indicators, showing the discrepancy between the discourses and what the indicators reveal, the gap between the recommendations and the available tools. Why is there such a contrast? What are the mechanisms at work? Is it a technical or a political problem? What does this discrepancy reveal as far as national specificities within the construction of social inequalities are concerned?

La flexibilité du temps de travail: entre autonomie et contraintes. Une étude de cas en Suisse.

Flexitime : between autonomy and constraints. A case study in SwitzerlandBy looking at how a new regulation is translated into everyday practices, this dissertation explores through a specific case study the degree of autonomy gained by wage-earners with the introduction of flexible working schedules. The guiding hypothesis is that by introducing procedural rules, flexitime opens the space for more daily negotiations, therefore reinforcing the effects of power relations inherent to employment relationships. The goal is to understand, through a sociological approach, how employees experience a form of working time that transfers responsibility for time management to them, and howthey integrate work-related constraints with their life outside the workplace. The first part of the dissertation sets up the context of the case study. It offers a definition of flexibility by situating it in the broader history of work time, as well as in relation to various organizational forms and cultural transformations. An international literature review and a focus on the Swiss case are offered. In the second part, the focus is narrowed to a specificSwiss firm specialized in mail-order, where a system of individualized management of annual work time has been introduced. By combining a quantitative and qualitative approach, it is possible to analyze determinants of the practices internal to the firm anddeterminants related to employees themselves, as well as the way in which employees articulate these two orders of constraints. The results show that the implementation of flexible working time is not affecting daily negotiation practices so much as it is creating a set of informal rules. The autonomy ofwage-earners is expressed first and foremost through their capacity to produce, negotiate, and legitimate these rules. The intraindividual level has proven to be central for the social regulation of flexible working time. It is not so much a question of legitimation, but rather the process of institutionalization nurtured by the energy invested by wage-earners in their personal quest for a compromise between their various roles, identities, and aspirations. It is this individualized regulation that is ensuring the success of the system under study.

Reconceptualizing Chinese state-owned entreprise in Africa : double embeddedness and localization in Ghana

Challenging the view of asymmetrical power relations between China and Africa, this thesis questions the "Chinese comparative advantages" (monolithic state power and economic advantages) of Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in Africa. It argues that the power dynamics between Chinese and African actors are dialectical and pluralistic, with localized social capital representing the true Chinese competitive advantage in Africa. Based on ethnographical fieldwork conducted in Ghana, this thesis shows that Chinese SOEs pursue their globalization in a double context - that of the deliberate "retreat" of the Chinese state, and more importantly, that of Ghanaian governance and society (characterized by political party patronage, extraversion dynamics, and worker agency). The trajectories of Chinese expatriates' expatriation/ social promotion and their SOEs' globalization/ localization are mutually influenced and reinforced. By cultivating local relationships and knowledge, a provincial Chinese SOE in Ghana can outperform a large Chinese central SOE, even if the latter has more support from the Chinese state. Moreover, the recent effort to build a "socially acceptable Chinese community" in Ghana has renewed the power dynamics between the Chinese state and the SOEs. All these observations provide for constructing a new perspective of Chinese SOEs in Africa - a "second-class" Chinese globalization - the SOEs may begin with few privileges, but promotion over time is possible. -- A contre pied des approches postulant des relations de pouvoir asymétriques entre la Chine et l'Afrique, cette thèse interroge les « avantages comparatifs chinois » (pouvoir de l'État monolithique et avantages économiques) des entreprises publiques chinoises (EPC) en Afrique. Elle soutient l'idée selon laquelle les dynamiques de pouvoir entre les acteurs chinois et africains est dialectique et pluraliste, et le capital social localisé étant le véritable avantage compétitif chinois en Afrique. S'appuyant sur un travail de terrain ethnographique au Ghana, cette thèse montre que les EPC poursuivent leur mondialisation dans un double contexte - celui de la «retraite» délibérée de l'État chinois, et, de façon plus importante, celui de la gouvernance et de la société ghanéennes (caractérisées par un clientélisme des partis politiques, une dynamique d'extraversion et le pouvoir de négociation des travailleurs). Les trajectoires d'expatriation / de promotion sociale des expatriés chinois et la mondialisation / localisation de leurs EPC s'influencent et se renforcent mutuellement. En cultivant des relations et des connaissances locales, une EPC provinciale au Ghana peut surpasser une grande EPC centrale, même si cette dernière reçoit plus de soutien de l'État chinois. En outre, les efforts récents visant à construire une «communauté chinoise socialement acceptable» au Ghana ont renouvelé la dynamique du pouvoir entre l'État chinois et les EPC. Ces observations permettent de construire une nouvelle perspective des EPC en Afrique - la globalisation chinoise de « deuxième classe » - les EPC peuvent débuter avec peu de privilèges, mais leur promotion reste possible avec le temps.

The vertical dimension of social relations and accurate interpersonal perception: A meta-analysis (Publishd online: 24 Oct. 2014)

There is little consensus regarding how verticality (social power, dominance, and status) is related to accurate interpersonal perception. The relation could be either positive or negative, and there could be many causal processes at play. The present article discusses the theoretical possibilities and presents a meta-analysis of this question. In studies using a standard test of interpersonal accuracy, higher socioeconomic status (SES) predicted higher accuracy defined as accurate inference about the meanings of cues; also, higher experimentally manipulated vertical position predicted higher accuracy defined as accurate recall of others' words. In addition, although personality dominance did not predict accurate inference overall, the type of personality dominance did, such that empathic/responsible dominance had a positive relation and egoistic/aggressive dominance had a negative relation to accuracy. In studies involving live interaction, higher experimentally manipulated vertical position produced lower accuracy defined as accurate inference about cues; however, methodological problems place this result in doubt.