4 resultados para Neem products industry -- China

em Université de Lausanne, Switzerland


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Dans les dernières années du 20ème siècle, l'aluminium a fait l'objet de beaucoup de communications outrancières et divergentes cautionnées par des scientifiques et des organismes faisant autorité. En 1986, la société PECHINEY le décrète perpétuel tel le mouvement « L'aluminium est éternel. Il est recyclable indéfiniment sans que ses propriétés soient altérées », ce qui nous avait alors irrité. Peu de temps après, en 1990, une communication tout aussi outrancière et irritante d'une grande organisation environnementale, le World Wild Fund, décrète que « le recyclage de l'aluminium est la pire menace pour l'environnement. Il doit être abandonné ». C'est ensuite à partir de la fin des années 1990, l'explosion des publications relatives au développement durable, le bien mal nommé. Au développement, synonyme de croissance obligatoire, nous préférons société ou organisation humaine et à durable, mauvaise traduction de l'anglais « sustainable », nous préférons supportable : idéalement, nous aurions souhaité parler de société durable, mais, pour être compris de tous, nous nous sommes limités à parler dorénavant de développement supportable. Pour l'essentiel, ces publications reconnaissent les très graves défauts de la métallurgie extractive de l'aluminium à partir du minerai et aussi les mérites extraordinaires du recyclage de l'aluminium puisqu'il représente moins de 10% de la consommation d'énergie de la métallurgie extractive à partir du minerai (on verra que c'est aussi moins de 10% de la pollution et du capital). C'est précisément sur le recyclage que se fondent les campagnes de promotion de l'emballage boisson, en Suisse en particulier. Cependant, les données concernant le recyclage de l'aluminium publiées par l'industrie de l'aluminium reflètent seulement en partie ces mérites. Dans les années 1970, les taux de croissance de la production recyclée sont devenus plus élevés que ceux de la production électrolytique. Par contre, les taux de recyclage, établis à indicateur identique, sont unanimement tous médiocres comparativement à d'autres matériaux tels le cuivre et le fer. Composante de l'industrie de l'aluminium, le recyclage bénéficie d'une image favorable auprès du grand public, démontrant le succès des campagnes de communication. A l'inverse, à l'intérieur de l'industrie de l'aluminium, c'est une image dévalorisée. Les opinions émises par tous les acteurs, commerçants, techniciens, dirigeants, encore recueillies pendant ce travail, sont les suivantes : métier de chiffonnier, métier misérable, métier peu technique mais très difficile (un recycleur 15 d'aluminium n'a-t-il pas dit que son métier était un métier d'homme alors que celui du recycleur de cuivre était un jeu d'enfant). A notre avis ces opinions appartiennent à un passé révolu qu'elles retraduisent cependant fidèlement car le recyclage est aujourd'hui reconnu comme une contribution majeure au développement supportable de l'aluminium. C'est bien pour cette raison que, en 2000, l'industrie de l'aluminium mondiale a décidé d'abandonner le qualificatif « secondaire » jusque là utilisé pour désigner le métal recyclé. C'est en raison de toutes ces données discordantes et parfois contradictoires qu'a débuté ce travail encouragé par de nombreuses personnalités. Notre engagement a été incontestablement facilité par notre connaissance des savoirs indispensables (métallurgie, économie, statistiques) et surtout notre expérience acquise au cours d'une vie professionnelle menée à l'échelle mondiale dans (recherche et développement, production), pour (recherche, développement, marketing, stratégie) et autour (marketing, stratégie de produits connexes, les ferro-alliages, et concurrents, le fer) de l'industrie de l'aluminium. Notre objectif est de faire la vérité sur le recyclage de l'aluminium, un matériau qui a très largement contribué à faire le 20ème siècle, grâce à une revue critique embrassant tous les aspects de cette activité méconnue ; ainsi il n'y a pas d'histoire du recyclage de l'aluminium alors qu'il est plus que centenaire. Plus qu'une simple compilation, cette revue critique a été conduite comme une enquête scientifique, technique, économique, historique, socio-écologique faisant ressortir les faits principaux ayant marqué l'évolution du recyclage de l'aluminium. Elle conclut sur l'état réel du recyclage, qui se révèle globalement satisfaisant avec ses forces et ses faiblesses, et au-delà du recyclage sur l'adéquation de l'aluminium au développement supportable, adéquation largement insuffisante. C'est pourquoi, elle suggère les thèmes d'études intéressant tous ceux scientifiques, techniciens, historiens, économistes, juristes concernés par une industrie très représentative de notre monde en devenir, un monde où la place de l'aluminium dépendra de son aptitude à satisfaire les critères du développement supportable. ABSTRACT Owing to recycling, the aluminium industry's global energetic and environmental prints are much lower than its ore extractive metallurgy's ones. Likewise, recycling will allow the complete use of the expected avalanche of old scraps, consequently to the dramatic explosion of aluminium consumption since the 50's. The recycling state is characterized by: i) raw materials split in two groups :one, the new scrap, internal and prompt, proportional to semi-finished and finished products quantities, exhibits a fairly good and regular quality. The other, the old scrap, proportional to the finished products arrivïng at their end-of--life, about 22 years later on an average, exhibits a variable quality depending on the collect mode. ii) a poor recycling rate, near by that of steel. The aluminium industry generates too much new internal scrap and doesn't collect all the availa~e old scrap. About 50% of it is not recycled (when steel is recycling about 70% of the old scrap flow). iii) recycling techniques, all based on melting, are well handled in spite of aluminium atiiníty to oxygen and the practical impossibility to purify aluminium from any impurity. Sorting and first collect are critical issues before melting. iv) products and markets of recycled aluminium :New scraps have still been recycled in the production lines from where there are coming (closed loop). Old scraps, mainly those mixed, have been first recycled in different production lines (open loop) :steel deoxidation products followed during the 30's, with the development of the foundry alloys, by foundry pieces of which the main market is the automotive industry. During the 80's, the commercial development of the beverage can in North America has permitted the first old scrap recycling closed loop which is developing. v) an economy with low and erratic margins because the electrolytic aluminium quotation fixes scrap purchasing price and recycled aluminium selling price. vi) an industrial organisation historically based on the scrap group and the loop mode. New scrap is recycled either by the transformation industry itself or by the recycling industry, the remelter, old scrap by the refiner, the other component of the recycling industry. The big companies, the "majors" are often involved in the closed loop recycling and very seldom in the open loop one. To-day, aluminium industry's global energetic and environmental prints are too unbeara~ e and the sustainaЫe development criteria are not fully met. Critical issues for the aluminium industry are to better produce, to better consume and to better recycle in order to become a real sustainaЫe development industry. Specific issues to recycling are a very efficient recycling industry, a "sustainaЫe development" economy, a complete old scrap collect favouring the closed loop. Also, indirectly connected to the recycling, are a very efficient transformation industry generating much less new scrap and a finished products industry delivering only products fulfilling sustainaЫe development criteria.

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ABSTRACT : A firm's competitive advantage can arise from internal resources as well as from an interfirm network. -This dissertation investigates the competitive advantage of a firm involved in an innovation network by integrating strategic management theory and social network theory. It develops theory and provides empirical evidence that illustrates how a networked firm enables the network value and appropriates this value in an optimal way according to its strategic purpose. The four inter-related essays in this dissertation provide a framework that sheds light on the extraction of value from an innovation network by managing and designing the network in a proactive manner. The first essay reviews research in social network theory and knowledge transfer management, and identifies the crucial factors of innovation network configuration for a firm's learning performance or innovation output. The findings suggest that network structure, network relationship, and network position all impact on a firm's performance. Although the previous literature indicates that there are disagreements about the impact of dense or spare structure, as well as strong or weak ties, case evidence from Chinese software companies reveals that dense and strong connections with partners are positively associated with firms' performance. The second essay is a theoretical essay that illustrates the limitations of social network theory for explaining the source of network value and offers a new theoretical model that applies resource-based view to network environments. It suggests that network configurations, such as network structure, network relationship and network position, can be considered important network resources. In addition, this essay introduces the concept of network capability, and suggests that four types of network capabilities play an important role in unlocking the potential value of network resources and determining the distribution of network rents between partners. This essay also highlights the contingent effects of network capability on a firm's innovation output, and explains how the different impacts of network capability depend on a firm's strategic choices. This new theoretical model has been pre-tested with a case study of China software industry, which enhances the internal validity of this theory. The third essay addresses the questions of what impact network capability has on firm innovation performance and what are the antecedent factors of network capability. This essay employs a structural equation modelling methodology that uses a sample of 211 Chinese Hi-tech firms. It develops a measurement of network capability and reveals that networked firms deal with cooperation between, and coordination with partners on different levels according to their levels of network capability. The empirical results also suggests that IT maturity, the openness of culture, management system involved, and experience with network activities are antecedents of network capabilities. Furthermore, the two-group analysis of the role of international partner(s) shows that when there is a culture and norm gap between foreign partners, a firm must mobilize more resources and effort to improve its performance with respect to its innovation network. The fourth essay addresses the way in which network capabilities influence firm innovation performance. By using hierarchical multiple regression with data from Chinese Hi-tech firms, the findings suggest that there is a significant partial mediating effect of knowledge transfer on the relationships between network capabilities and innovation performance. The findings also reveal that the impacts of network capabilities divert with the environment and strategic decision the firm has made: exploration or exploitation. Network constructing capability provides a greater positive impact on and yields more contributions to innovation performance than does network operating capability in an exploration network. Network operating capability is more important than network constructing capability for innovative firms in an exploitation network. Therefore, these findings highlight that the firm can shape the innovation network proactively for better benefits, but when it does so, it should adjust its focus and change its efforts in accordance with its innovation purposes or strategic orientation.

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OBJECTIVE:: Lactic acid bacteria (LAB) are used in food industries as probiotic agents. The aim of this study is to assess the potential health effects of airborne exposure to a mix of preblend (LAB and carbohydrate) and milk powder in workers. METHODS:: A medical questionnaire, lung function tests, and immunologic tests were carried out on 50 workers. Occupational exposure to inhalable dust and airborne LAB was measured. RESULTS:: Workers not using respiratory masks reported more symptoms of irritation than workers using protection. Workers from areas with higher levels of airborne LAB reported the most health symptoms and the immune responses of workers to LAB was higher than the immune responses of a control population. CONCLUSIONS:: Measures to reduce exposure to airborne LAB and milk powder in food industries are recommended.

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General Summary Although the chapters of this thesis address a variety of issues, the principal aim is common: test economic ideas in an international economic context. The intention has been to supply empirical findings using the largest suitable data sets and making use of the most appropriate empirical techniques. This thesis can roughly be divided into two parts: the first one, corresponding to the first two chapters, investigates the link between trade and the environment, the second one, the last three chapters, is related to economic geography issues. Environmental problems are omnipresent in the daily press nowadays and one of the arguments put forward is that globalisation causes severe environmental problems through the reallocation of investments and production to countries with less stringent environmental regulations. A measure of the amplitude of this undesirable effect is provided in the first part. The third and the fourth chapters explore the productivity effects of agglomeration. The computed spillover effects between different sectors indicate how cluster-formation might be productivity enhancing. The last chapter is not about how to better understand the world but how to measure it and it was just a great pleasure to work on it. "The Economist" writes every week about the impressive population and economic growth observed in China and India, and everybody agrees that the world's center of gravity has shifted. But by how much and how fast did it shift? An answer is given in the last part, which proposes a global measure for the location of world production and allows to visualize our results in Google Earth. A short summary of each of the five chapters is provided below. The first chapter, entitled "Unraveling the World-Wide Pollution-Haven Effect" investigates the relative strength of the pollution haven effect (PH, comparative advantage in dirty products due to differences in environmental regulation) and the factor endowment effect (FE, comparative advantage in dirty, capital intensive products due to differences in endowments). We compute the pollution content of imports using the IPPS coefficients (for three pollutants, namely biological oxygen demand, sulphur dioxide and toxic pollution intensity for all manufacturing sectors) provided by the World Bank and use a gravity-type framework to isolate the two above mentioned effects. Our study covers 48 countries that can be classified into 29 Southern and 19 Northern countries and uses the lead content of gasoline as proxy for environmental stringency. For North-South trade we find significant PH and FE effects going in the expected, opposite directions and being of similar magnitude. However, when looking at world trade, the effects become very small because of the high North-North trade share, where we have no a priori expectations about the signs of these effects. Therefore popular fears about the trade effects of differences in environmental regulations might by exaggerated. The second chapter is entitled "Is trade bad for the Environment? Decomposing worldwide SO2 emissions, 1990-2000". First we construct a novel and large database containing reasonable estimates of SO2 emission intensities per unit labor that vary across countries, periods and manufacturing sectors. Then we use these original data (covering 31 developed and 31 developing countries) to decompose the worldwide SO2 emissions into the three well known dynamic effects (scale, technique and composition effect). We find that the positive scale (+9,5%) and the negative technique (-12.5%) effect are the main driving forces of emission changes. Composition effects between countries and sectors are smaller, both negative and of similar magnitude (-3.5% each). Given that trade matters via the composition effects this means that trade reduces total emissions. We next construct, in a first experiment, a hypothetical world where no trade happens, i.e. each country produces its imports at home and does no longer produce its exports. The difference between the actual and this no-trade world allows us (under the omission of price effects) to compute a static first-order trade effect. The latter now increases total world emissions because it allows, on average, dirty countries to specialize in dirty products. However, this effect is smaller (3.5%) in 2000 than in 1990 (10%), in line with the negative dynamic composition effect identified in the previous exercise. We then propose a second experiment, comparing effective emissions with the maximum or minimum possible level of SO2 emissions. These hypothetical levels of emissions are obtained by reallocating labour accordingly across sectors within each country (under the country-employment and the world industry-production constraints). Using linear programming techniques, we show that emissions are reduced by 90% with respect to the worst case, but that they could still be reduced further by another 80% if emissions were to be minimized. The findings from this chapter go together with those from chapter one in the sense that trade-induced composition effect do not seem to be the main source of pollution, at least in the recent past. Going now to the economic geography part of this thesis, the third chapter, entitled "A Dynamic Model with Sectoral Agglomeration Effects" consists of a short note that derives the theoretical model estimated in the fourth chapter. The derivation is directly based on the multi-regional framework by Ciccone (2002) but extends it in order to include sectoral disaggregation and a temporal dimension. This allows us formally to write present productivity as a function of past productivity and other contemporaneous and past control variables. The fourth chapter entitled "Sectoral Agglomeration Effects in a Panel of European Regions" takes the final equation derived in chapter three to the data. We investigate the empirical link between density and labour productivity based on regional data (245 NUTS-2 regions over the period 1980-2003). Using dynamic panel techniques allows us to control for the possible endogeneity of density and for region specific effects. We find a positive long run elasticity of density with respect to labour productivity of about 13%. When using data at the sectoral level it seems that positive cross-sector and negative own-sector externalities are present in manufacturing while financial services display strong positive own-sector effects. The fifth and last chapter entitled "Is the World's Economic Center of Gravity Already in Asia?" computes the world economic, demographic and geographic center of gravity for 1975-2004 and compares them. Based on data for the largest cities in the world and using the physical concept of center of mass, we find that the world's economic center of gravity is still located in Europe, even though there is a clear shift towards Asia. To sum up, this thesis makes three main contributions. First, it provides new estimates of orders of magnitudes for the role of trade in the globalisation and environment debate. Second, it computes reliable and disaggregated elasticities for the effect of density on labour productivity in European regions. Third, it allows us, in a geometrically rigorous way, to track the path of the world's economic center of gravity.