Social insurances system's shortcomings : the example of the low-income young retirees' access to healthcare [Imperfections du système d'assurances sociales : l'exemple de l'accès aux soins des jeunes retraité(e)s à revenu modeste]

This article presents the results of a study involving 2445 recently retired persons from the Canton of Vaud in Switzerland who choose to forego health care. These persons of modest means barely qualify for government assistance programs and do not benefit from the social safety net that is provided to the truly destitute. 17.9% of the respondents to the questionnaire said that they forego health care for financial reasons. Interviews reveal the complex reasons that lie behind such a choice, as well as the compensation strategies that are sometimes used to get medical treatment. These strategies show that the people are able to act when the circumstances require them to do so. Despite that, their situation remains insecure. Cet article analyse les résultats d'une étude sur le renoncement aux soins menée auprès de 2445 Vaudois∙e∙s récemment retraité∙e∙s. Ces personnes de situation modeste sont proches des limites d'accès aux aides étatiques et ne bénéficient pas du même filet de protection sociale que d'autres plus démunies. 17.9% des répondant∙e∙s au questionnaire déclarent renoncer à des soins pour raisons financières. Des entretiens mettent en évidence la complexité du renoncement, ainsi que les stratégies compensatoires que les personnes adoptent pour accéder à certains soins. Ces dernières démontrent une capacité d'agir en situation qui reste toutefois précaire.

The Swiss reform of the allocation of tasks : The conventions-programs as a new partnership model for vertical cooperation ?

This research examines the impacts of the Swiss reform of the allocation of tasks which was accepted in 2004 and implemented in 2008 to "re-assign" the responsibilities between the federal government and the cantons. The public tasks were redistributed, according to the leading and fundamental principle of subsidiarity. Seven tasks came under exclusive federal responsibility; ten came under the control of the cantons; and twenty-two "common tasks" were allocated to both the Confederation and the cantons. For these common tasks it wasn't possible to separate the management and the implementation. In order to deal with nineteen of them, the reform introduced the conventions-programs (CPs), which are public law contracts signed by the Confederation with each canton. These CPs are generally valid for periods of four years (2008-11, 2012-15 and 2016-19, respectively). The third period is currently being prepared. By using the principal-agent theory I examine how contracts can improve political relations between a principal (Confederation) and an agent (canton). I also provide a first qualitative analysis by examining the impacts of these contracts on the vertical cooperation and on the implication of different actors by focusing my study on five CPs - protection of cultural heritage and conservation of historic monuments, encouragement of the integration of foreigners, economic development, protection against noise and protection of the nature and landscape - applied in five cantons, which represents twenty-five cases studies.

Adapting dating violence prevention to francophone Switzerland: a story of intra-western cultural differences.

Dating violence prevention programs, which originated in the United States, are beginning to be implemented elsewhere. This article presents the first adaptation of a violence prevention program for a European culture, Francophone Switzerland. A U.S. dating violence prevention program, Safe Dates (Foshee & Langwick, 1994), was reviewed in 19 youth and 4 professional focus groups. The most fundamental program concepts--"dating" and "violence"--are not the same in Switzerland and the United States. Swiss youth were not very focused on establishing monogamous romantic relationships, and there is no ready translation for "dating." Violence has not become the focus of a social movement in Switzerland to the same extent that it has in the United States, and distinctions among terms such as "dating violence" and "domestic violence" are not well known. Psychoeducational approaches are also less common in the Swiss context. As the movement to prevent violence extends worldwide, these issues need greater consideration.

Welfare loss with municipal amalgamations and the willingness-to-pay for the municipality name

Functional advantages and drawbacks are commonly mentioned to rationally justify or condemn municipality amalgamations. However, many consolidation projects are resisted by local governments or citizens on the grounds that amalgamation would dampen local identity. A municipality's name change is probably the most visible sign of the loss of community bond experienced by citizens at amalgamation time. This article aims to put a value on this loss by measuring citizen willingness to pay for their city name. This methodological approach innovates upon the literature on municipal amalgamation and place branding by exploiting the versatility of the so-called contingent valuation method (CVM). CVM confronts respondents, in a survey setting, with a hypothetical market in which a characteristic of interest is exchanged. Here the characteristic is the possibility to retain one's city name for an amalgamated jurisdiction. The article presents the estimates provided by a survey conducted in four Swiss cities.

A Pragmatic Intellectual: Dutch Fabians, Boekman, and Cultural Policy in the Netherlands, 1890-1940

Around 1900, the notion of community art (gemeenschapskunst) served to crystallize Dutch social democratic thinking about the role of the arts in society. Drawing on the pragmatism of leading social democrats like Wibaut, and drawing on his formal education in economics and statistics, the self‐made social democrat Emanuel Boekman redressed the utopian meaning of community art to signify the dissemination of "good" culture over all layers of society in his influential 1939 dissertation on the relation of the state to the arts. Being about facts rather than opinions, Boekman set the boundaries of his work to exclude a substantial discussion of the meaning of "good" culture. On the one hand, this pragmatism helped Boekman to gain support for government intervention for the arts over most of the political spectrum. On the other hand, Boekman thus pre‐empted discussions about the tension between "quality" and "accessibility" of the arts that haunts cultural policy in the Netherlands to this day.