Habiter touristique et agencement de l'espace urbain : le cas de Los Angeles : recherche sur le concours des compétences des individus quant à leurs manières de faire avec les épreuves spatiales d'une métapole touristique

Vivre, c'est passer d'un espace à un autre en essayant le plus possible de ne pas se cogner déclamait George Pérec. Cet énoncé poétiquement géographique pourrait résumer d'une certaine façon le défi de connaissance saisi par cette recherche. L'enjeu consiste effectivement à envisager le fait à'habiter, entendu dans son acception du « faire avec de l'espace » de la part des individus, comme n'allant pas de soi, de mettre en exergue le caractère problématique que constitue la pratique d'un lieu pour un individu. A ce titre, l'une des propositions de ce travail est de considérer tout lieu comme un assemblage d'épreuves spatiales face auxquelles les individus sont confrontés. La question se pose alors de savoir comment les individus font avec ces épreuves spatiales. L'hypothèse défendue dans ce travail est celle de la mobilisation, par ces derniers, de compétences - ressortissant d'une « capacité à » telle qu'exprimée par Wittgenstein dans le domaine linguistique, c'est-à-dire d'une « maîtrise technique » - et d'un capital spatial - que l'on peut faire synthétiquement correspondre à l'expérience accumulée par un individu en terme de pratique de lieux. L'argumentation étaye l'hypothèse que les manières d'habiter touristiquement une métropole dépendent notamment de ces deux éléments interdépendants dont dispose tout individu de façon variable et évolutive ; leur importance, sans déterminer aucunement des pratiques spécifiques, participe d'une maîtrise accrue de l'espace, d'une facilité pour faire avec les épreuves spatiales, atténuant le caractère potentiellement contraignant de ces dernières. Il s'agit donc d'une enquête menant une réflexion tout à la fois sur la dimension actorielle des individus, mais également sur le lieu en tant qu'espace habité : travailler sur cette question revient à investir la question de l'agencement urbain d'un lieu, c'est-à-dire d'appréhender la façon dont une configuration urbaine (les épreuves spatiales coïncidant avec les principales caractéristiques de cette dernière) est habitée, et plus particulièrement en l'occurrence ici, est habitée touristiquement. Pour aborder empiriquement cette problématique, l'enquête se focalise donc sur les touristes : d'une part pour leur faible degré de familiarité avec le lieu pratiqué (faire avec cet espace ne relève donc pas d'une routine) et d'autre part parce que leur présence dorénavant massive au sein des métropoles a des effets sur l'agencement de ces lieux qu'il est nécessaire d'envisager. Le laboratoire utilisé est celui de Los Angeles, cette aire urbaine de 18 millions de résidents : son étalement considérable, l'absence d'un centre-ville historiquement important, et la forte prégnance de sa métrique automobile étant des caractéristiques qui font de ce lieu un « exceptionnel normal » aux épreuves spatiales particulièrement proéminentes. La recherche avance à ce titre des arguments permettant d'en souligner un agencement, par les manières d'habiter des touristes, différencié du modèle classique de la métropole touristique : pour exprimer cette singularité, l'enquête étaye l'hypothèse consistant à qualifier ce lieu de métapole touristique. - Living is moving from one space to another while trying not to collide claimed George Pérec. This poetically geographic statement could in a way sum up the challenge seized by this research. The challenge is indeed to consider the fact of dwelling, in the sense of "make do with space" on the part of individuals, as not an evidence but highlighting the problematic characteristics of the practice of a place by people. Accordingly, one of the proposals of this work is to consider each place as a gathering of spatial stakes against which individuals are faced. The question then arises how are individuals facing these spatial stakes. The hypothesis debated in this work is that of the mobilization of skills such as "the ability of' as expressed by Wittgenstein in the linguistic field, i.e. a "technical mastery" - and a spatial capital - that can synthetically correspond to the experience accumulated by one single individual in terms of practice of places. Argument supports the hypothesis that the ways of touristically dwelling a metropolis depend on these two interdependent elements which everyone deal with in a variable and scalable manner; their importance, without determining any specific practices, participates in an increased proficiency of space, easing to make do with the space stakes, moderating the potentially binding character of the latter. It is therefore a survey leading a reflection both on the actorial dimension of individuals, but also on the place as a living space: working on this issue is exploring the question of the urban layout of a place, i.e. to understand how an urban configuration (the space stakes coinciding with the main features of the latter) is inhabited, and in particular in the present case, is touristically dwelled. To empirically address this issue, the inquiry therefore focuses on tourists: on the one hand for their low degree of familiarity with the place (make do with this space is therefore not a routine) and secondly because their now massive presence within the metropolis has effects on the layout of these places that is necessary to consider. The laboratory used is that of Los Angeles, this urban area of 18 million residents: its considerable spread, the absence of an historically important downtown» and high salience of "automobile metric" are features that make this place a "normal exceptional" with particularly prominent space stakes. Hence, research advances the arguments underlining the layout, by the ways of tourists dwelling different from the classical model of the metropolis: to express this uniqueness, the survey supports hypothesis to describe this place as a tourist metapolis.

Male sexuality-related concerns: what use of the internet?

Purpose: Although young males encounter sexually-related concerns, they are mostly absent from specialized services. Our objective is to assess whether the internet is used by boys to find answers to these types of problems and questions. Methods: In the context of a qualitative study assessing young males' barriers to access sexual and reproductive health facilities, we conducted two focus groups gathering 12 boys aged 17-20. Discussions were triggered through the presentation of four vignettes corresponding to questions posted by 17-20 year old boys and girls on an information website for adolescents (www.ciao.ch), concerning various sexual dysfunction situations. In order to avoid having to talk about their own experience, participants were asked what they would do in those cases. Results: In general, the internet was mentioned quite thoroughly as a means of searching for information through research engines and a place to address professionals for advice.Within the hierarchy of consultation possibilities, the internet was given the first place as a way to deal with these types of problems presenting many advantages: (1) the internet enables to maintain intimacy; (2) it is anonymous (use of a pseudo); (3) it avoids having to confront someone face-to-face with personal problems which can be embarrassing and challenging for one's pride; (4) it is free; and (5) it is accessible at all times. In other words, participants value the internet as a positive tool to avoid many barriers which prevent offline consultations to take place. Most participants consider the internet at least as a first step in trying to solve a problem; for instance, by better defining the seriousness of a problem and judging if it is worth consulting a doctor. However, despite the positive qualities of the internet, they do put forward the importance of having specialists answering questions, trustworthiness, and being followed-up by the same person. Participants suggested that a strategy to break down barriers for boys to consult in face-to-face settings is to have a consultation on the internet as a first step which could then guide the person to an in-person consultation if necessary. Conclusions: The internet as a means of obtaining information or consulting received high marks overall. Although the internet cannot replace an in-person consultation, the screen and the keyboard have the advantage of not involving a face-to-face encounter and raise the possibility of discussing sexual problems anonymously and in private. The internet tools together with other new technologies should continue to develop in a secure manner as a space providing prevention messages and to become an easy access door to sexual and reproductive health services for young men, which can then guide youths to appropriate resource persons. Sources of support: This study was supported by the Maurice Chalumeau Foundation, Switzerland.

Do pornographic websites influence boys' sexual behavior?

Purpose: To compare the sexual behavior of adolescent males who do and do not watch pornographic websites. Methods: This study was presented as a school survey. Data were drawn from the 2002 Swiss Multicenter Adolescent Survey on Health (SMASH02) database, a survey including 7,548 adolescents age 16-20. The setting was post-mandatory schools in Switzerland. A total of 2,891 male students who connected to the internet in the last 30 days were enrolled and distributed into two groups: boys who deliberately watched pornographic websites in the last 30 days (n ¼ 942; 33%) and boys who did not (n ¼ 1,949; 67%). Socio-demographic characteristics; frequency of connection to the internet; sexual behavior parameters (having a girlfriend and if yes, for more or less than 6 months; having had sexual intercourse; age at first sexual intercourse; use of a condom at last sexual intercourse; number of sexual partners; having made a partner pregnant). Results: A logistic regression was performed using STATA 9.2. The only significant socio-demographic variable was having a low socioeconomic status (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] 1.66); no difference was found for age and academic track between the two groups. Boys who watch pornographic websites were also significantly more likely to connect frequently to the internet (one day a week: AOR 1.75; several days a week: AOR 2.36; every day: AOR 3.11), to have had sexual intercourse (AOR 2.06), and to have had their first sexual intercourse before age 15 (AOR 1.48). The stability of the relationship with their girlfriend did not appear to have any influence on the search for pornography on the internet. Conclusions: About one third of boys in our sample report having accessed pornographic websites in the last 30 days, a proportion similar to other studies. Watching such websites increases with the frequency of connection to the internet and seems to be correlated with an earlier sexual activity debut among adolescent males. However, having had first sexual intercourse before age 15 is the only sexual risk behavior that seems to be increased when watching pornographic websites among boys. Further studies should address the causality of this correlation and the factors influencing the search for pornography on the web among boys, in order to explore some new ways of prevention about sexual risk behaviors. Sources of Support: The SMASH02 survey was carried out with the financial support of the Swiss Federal Office of Public Health and the participating cantons.