Liberal alcohol legislation: does it amplify the effects among Swiss men of person-related risk factors on heavy alcohol use?

AIM: To estimate the statistical interactions between alcohol policy strength and the person-related risk factors of sensation-seeking, antisocial personality disorder and attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder related to heavy alcohol use. DESIGN: Cross-sectional survey. SETTING: Young Swiss men living within 21 jurisdictions across Switzerland. PARTICIPANTS: A total of 5701 Swiss men (mean age 20 years) participating in the Cohort Study on Substance Use Risk Factors (C-SURF). MEASUREMENTS: Outcome measures were alcohol use disorder (AUD) as defined in the DSM-5 and risky single-occasion drinking (RSOD). Independent variables were sensation-seeking, antisocial personality disorder (ASPD), attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and an index of alcohol policy strength. FINDINGS: Alcohol policy strength was protective against RSOD [odds ratio (OR) = 0.91 (0.84-0.99)], while sensation-seeking and ASPD were risk factors for both RSOD [OR = 1.90 (1.77-2.04); OR = 1.69 (1.44-1.97)] and AUD [OR = 1.58 (1.47-1.71); OR = 2.69 (2.30-3.14)] and ADHD was a risk factor for AUD [OR = 1.08 (1.06-1.10)]. Significant interactions between alcohol policy strength and sensation-seeking were identified for RSOD [OR = 1.06 (1.01-1.12)] and AUD [OR = 1.06 (1.01-1.12)], as well as between alcohol policy strength and ASPD for both RSOD [OR = 1.17 (1.03-1.31)] and AUD [OR = 1.15 (1.02-1.29)]. These interactions indicated that the protective effects of alcohol policy strength on RSOD and AUD were lost in men with high levels of sensation-seeking or an ASPD. No interactions were detected between alcohol policy strength and ADHD. CONCLUSION: Stronger alcohol legislation protects against heavy alcohol use in young Swiss men, but this protective effect is lost in individuals with high levels of sensation-seeking or having an antisocial personality disorder.

Comparing impact and cost-effectiveness of primary prevention strategies for lipid-lowering.

BACKGROUND: Lipid-lowering therapy is costly but effective at reducing coronary heart disease (CHD) risk. OBJECTIVE: To assess the cost-effectiveness and public health impact of Adult Treatment Panel III (ATP III) guidelines and compare with a range of risk- and age-based alternative strategies. DESIGN: The CHD Policy Model, a Markov-type cost-effectiveness model. DATA SOURCES: National surveys (1999 to 2004), vital statistics (2000), the Framingham Heart Study (1948 to 2000), other published data, and a direct survey of statin costs (2008). TARGET POPULATION: U.S. population age 35 to 85 years. Time Horizon: 2010 to 2040. PERSPECTIVE: Health care system. INTERVENTION: Lowering of low-density lipoprotein cholesterol with HMG-CoA reductase inhibitors (statins). OUTCOME MEASURE: Incremental cost-effectiveness. RESULTS OF BASE-CASE ANALYSIS: Full adherence to ATP III primary prevention guidelines would require starting (9.7 million) or intensifying (1.4 million) statin therapy for 11.1 million adults and would prevent 20,000 myocardial infarctions and 10,000 CHD deaths per year at an annual net cost of $3.6 billion ($42,000/QALY) if low-intensity statins cost $2.11 per pill. The ATP III guidelines would be preferred over alternative strategies if society is willing to pay $50,000/QALY and statins cost $1.54 to $2.21 per pill. At higher statin costs, ATP III is not cost-effective; at lower costs, more liberal statin-prescribing strategies would be preferred; and at costs less than $0.10 per pill, treating all persons with low-density lipoprotein cholesterol levels greater than 3.4 mmol/L (>130 mg/dL) would yield net cost savings. RESULTS OF SENSITIVITY ANALYSIS: Results are sensitive to the assumptions that LDL cholesterol becomes less important as a risk factor with increasing age and that little disutility results from taking a pill every day. LIMITATION: Randomized trial evidence for statin effectiveness is not available for all subgroups. CONCLUSION: The ATP III guidelines are relatively cost-effective and would have a large public health impact if implemented fully in the United States. Alternate strategies may be preferred, however, depending on the cost of statins and how much society is willing to pay for better health outcomes. FUNDING: Flight Attendants' Medical Research Institute and the Swanson Family Fund. The Framingham Heart Study and Framingham Offspring Study are conducted and supported by the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute.

Outcome and Experience from the Swiss Mammography Screening Pilot Programmes

BACKGROUND:The Swiss breast cancer screening pilot programme was conducted in 3 districts of theFrench-speaking canton of Vaud (ca. 300,000 resident women) between October 1993 and January 1999.Women aged 50 to 69 were invited by mail every 2 years for a free of charge screening mammography (doubleview, multiple reading). This first ever-organised cancer screening programme in Switzerland showed thefeasibility and acceptability of this kind of public health intervention in the liberal Swiss healthcare system, whichwas the main objective of the pilot programme. This mammographic screening programme was extended to thewhole canton in 1999, and contributed to the implementation of similar programmes in 2 neighbouring cantons. OBJECTIVE:To appraise the use, the quality and the effectiveness of the Swiss screening pilot programme. METHODS:About 15,000 women (aged 50-69) were enrolled. Logistic regression analyses were performedseparately to identify determinants of initial and subsequent attendance. Standard indicators of quality,effectiveness and impact of the programme were assessed and compared with European recommendations. Tothis intent, linkage with data from the Vaud Cancer Registry was performed. RESULTS:About half the target population was screened at least once during the pilot trial. Participation washigher among Swiss than foreigners, among widowed or married women than among single, divorced or separatedones. Attendance also increased with age and decreasing distance between residence and the dedicatedscreening centre. Apart from Swiss citizenship, socio-demographic factors were not associated with reattendance.Intensity of prior recruitment, outcome of previous screening test (positive vs. negative) and indicators of women'shealth behaviour (time of last mammography prior to initial screen, smoking status) were the main determinants ofreattendance. Programme performance and quality indicators were, overall, in line with European Guidelines. Theywere overall more favourable among 60-69 than 50-59 year-olds and improved over time. CONCLUSION:The objectives of the pilot programme were met. Even if participation should increase in order toreach European standards, performance indicators overall met quality requirements. Ways to improve screeninguse, quality and effectiveness were devised and taken into account for the generalisation of the programme.

Ecologie et liberté : libéralisme versus républicanisme

La question centrale de ce travail est celle de la relation entre finitude environnementale et liberté individuelle. Par finitude environnementale il faut entendre l'ensemble des contraintes écologiques variées qui posent des limites à l'action humaine. Celles-ci sont de deux types généraux : les limites de disponibilité des ressources naturelles et: les limites de charge des écosystèmes et des grands cycles biogéochimiques globaux (chapitre 1). La thèse défendue ici est que les conceptions libertariennes et libérales de la liberté sont en conflit avec la nécessité de prendre en compte de telles limites et qu'une approche néo-républicaine est mieux à même de répondre à ces enjeux écologiques. Les théories libertariennes, de droite comme de gauche, sont inadaptées à la prise en compte de la finitude des ressources naturelles car elles maintiennent un droit à l'appropriation illimitée de ces dernières par les individus. Ce point est en contradiction avec le caractère systémique de la rareté et avec l'absence de substitut pour certaines ressources indispensables à la poursuite d'une vie décente (chapitres 2 et 3). La théorie libérale de la neutralité, appuyée par le principe du tort (harm principle), est quant à elle inadaptée à la prise en compte des problèmes environnementaux globaux comme le changement climatique. Les mécanismes causaux menant à la création de dommages environnementaux sont en effet indirects et diffus, ce qui empêche l'assignation de responsabilités au niveau individuel. La justification de politiques environnementales contraignantes s'en trouve donc mise en péril (chapitre 4). Ces difficultés proviennent avant tout de deux traits caractéristiques de ces doctrines : leur ontologie sociale atomiste et leur conception de la liberté comme liberté de choix. Le néo-républicanisme de Philip Pettit permet de répondre à ces deux problèmes grâce à son ontologie holiste et à sa conception de la liberté comme non- domination. Cette théorie permet donc à la fois de proposer une conception de la liberté compatible avec la finitude environnementale et de justifier des politiques environnementales exigeantes, sans que le sacrifice en termes de liberté n'apparaisse trop important (chapitre 5). - The centrai issue of this work is that of the relationship between environmental finiteness and individual liberty. By environmental finiteness one should understand the set of diverse ecological constraints that limit human action. These limits are of two general kinds: on the one hand the availability of natural resources, and on the other hand the carrying capacity of ecosystems and biogeochemical cycles (chapter 1}. The thesis defended here is that libertarian and liberal conceptions of liberty conflict with the necessity to take such limits into account, and that a neo-republican approach is best suited to address environmental issues. Libertarian theories, right-wing as well as left-wing, are in particular not able to take resource scarcity into account because they argue for an unlimited right of individuals to appropriate those resources. This point is in contradiction with the systemic nature of scarcity and with the absence of substitutes for some essential resources (chapters 2 and 3). The liberal doctrine of neutrality, as associated with the harm principle, is unsuitable when addressing global environmental issues like climate change. Causal mechanisms leading to environmental harm are indirect and diffuse, which prevents the assignation of individual responsibilities. This makes the justification of coercive environmental policies difficult (chapter 4). These difficulties stem above all from two characteristic features of libertarian and liberal doctrines: their atomistic social ontology and their conception of freedom as liberty of choice. Philip Pettit's neo- republicanism on the other hand is able to address these problems thanks to its holist social ontology and its conception of liberty as non-domination. This doctrine offers a conception of liberty compatible with environmental limits and theoretical resources able to justify demanding environmental policies without sacrificing too much in terms of liberty (chapter 5).

Régulation de la religion par l'Etat. Nouvelles perspectives

Analyser les modalités de la régulation de la religion constitue une étape importante pour expliquer la recomposition de la religion en modernité tardive. Face aux interprétations dérivées des concepts d'individualisation ou de privatisation, l'affirmation peut apparaître provocante, puisqu'elle met en question l'idée d'autonomie du sujet croyant et la pertinence de l'utilisation sociologique du terme privé. Le traitement de cette problématique est particulièrement adéquat pour évaluer le rôle de l'État. Même si ce dernier n'est qu'un des agents de régulation à côté des médias, des organisations religieuses..., il contribue de façon souveraine au filtrage de la religion « acceptable ». Son mode de gestion varie d'un pays à l'autre, allant du pluralisme libéral au pluralisme technocratique. L'élaboration d'une typologie de ces modes de gestion s'avère donc indispensable. Sa vérification peut s'opérer au travers de l'étude comparative de la place faite à la religion dans les programmes scolaires. Elle éclaire en particulier le caractère pluraliste des États démocratiques et leur capacité à articuler valeurs économiques et valeurs humanistes. An analysis of the ways in which religion is regulated constitutes an important step in understanding the reconstructions of religion in late modernity. Such a stance can appear provocative, especially if contrasted with explanations that derive from concepts such as individualisation or privatisation, since it puts into question both the autonomy of the individual believer and the aptness of the term "private" in sociological understanding. These issues are particularly relevant when it comes to evaluating the role of the state. It is true that the latter is but one source of control, alongside the media, or religious organisations...; its influence is, however, dominant when it comes to deciding which forms of religion are, or are not, "acceptable". The methods vary from one country to another, ranging from liberal pluralism to technocratic pluralism. Hence the need to elaborate a typology, illustrating the different ways of working. It can be tested by comparing the place given to religion in different school systems. Above all such an approach reveals the pluralist character of the democratic state and its capacity to articulate both economic and humanistic values.

Spiritual Kinship, Political Mobilization and Social Cooperation: a Swiss Alpine valley in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries

In this chapter I will present some observations and results about Ritual Kinship and political mobilization of popular groups in an Alpine valley: the Val de Bagnes, in the Swiss canton of Valais, - a mountain valley, well known today thanks to the tourist station of Verbier - where we can rely on excellent sources about local families. This region presents a particular political situation, because the 11 major villages of the valley form only one commune, which includes the whole valley.¦There are two major reasons to choose the Val de Bagnes for our inquiry on kinship and social networks in a rural society:¦A. The existence of sharp political and social conflicts during the 18th and the 19th centuries;¦B. The existence of almost systematic genealogical data between 1700 and 1900. (Casanova, Gard, Perrenoud 2005-08)¦The 18th century was characterized by the struggle of an important part of the community of Bagnes against the feudal lord, the abbot of St-Maurice. The culminating point was a local upheaval in 1745 in Le Châble, during which the abbot was forced to sign several documents in accordance with the wishes of the rebels (Guzzi-Heeb 2007). In the 19th century feudal lordship was abolished, but now the struggle confronted a liberal-radical faction and the conservative majority in the commune.¦The starting point of my presentation focuses on this question: which role did spiritual kinship play in the political mobilization of popular groups and in the organization of competing factions? This question allows us to shed light on some utilizations and meanings of spiritual kinship in the local society. Was spiritual kinship a significant instrument for economic cooperation? Or was it a channel for privileged social contacts and transactions?

Infliximab for Crohn's disease in the Swiss IBD Cohort Study: clinical management and appropriateness.

OBJECTIVE: Antitumor necrosis factor a agents have significantly improved the management of Crohn's disease (CD), but not all patients benefit from this therapy. We used data from the Swiss Inflammatory Bowel Disease Cohort Study and predefined appropriateness criteria to examine the appropriateness of use of infliximab (IFX) in CD patients. METHODS: EPACT II (European Panel on the Appropriateness of CD Therapy, 2007; www.epact.ch) appropriateness criteria have been developed using a formal explicit panel process combining evidence from the published literature and expert opinion. Questionnaires relating to EPACT II criteria were used at enrollment and follow-up of all Swiss Inflammatory Bowel Disease Cohort Study patients. A step-by-step analysis of all possible indications for IFX therapy in a given patient allowed identification of the most appropriate indication and final classification in a single appropriateness category (appropriate, uncertain, inappropriate). RESULTS: Eight hundred and twenty-one CD patients were prospectively enrolled between November 2006 and March 2009. IFX was administered to 146 patients (18%) at enrollment and was most frequently used for complex fistulizing disease and for the maintenance of remission induced by biological therapy. IFX therapy was considered appropriate in 44%, uncertain in 44%, and inappropriate in 10% of patients. CONCLUSION: In this cohort, 9 out of 10 indications for IFX therapy were clinically generally acceptable (appropriate or uncertain) according to EPACT II criteria. Uncertain indications resulted mainly from the current more liberal use of IFX in clinical practice as compared with the EPACT II criteria.

State-Society Relationships, Social Trust and the Development of Labour Market Policies in Italy and Sweden

The first decade of the twenty-first century may be remembered for the rebirth of consensus on labour market policy. After three decades of bitter political and ideological controversy between a neo-liberal and a traditional social democratic approach, a new model, often labelled flexicurity, has emerged. This model is promoted by numerous political organisations since it promises to put an end to the old trade-off between equality and efficiency. Several countries are embracing the flexicurity model as a blueprint for labour market reform, but others, mostly belonging to the 'Mediterranean Rim', are clearly lagging behind. Why is it so difficult for these countries to implement the flexicurity model? This paper argues that the application of a flexicurity strategy in these countries is complicated by the lack of social trust between social partners and the state as well as political economy traditions that highlight the role of labour market regulation as a source of social protection.