94 resultados para Cultural transmission

em Université de Lausanne, Switzerland


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The study of culturally inherited traits has led to the suggestion that the evolution of helping behaviors is more likely with cultural transmission than without. Here we evaluate this idea through a comparative analysis of selection on helping under both genetic and cultural inheritance. We develop two simple models for the evolution of helping through cultural group selection: one in which selection on the trait depends solely on Darwinian fitness effects and one in which selection is driven by nonreproductive factors, specifically imitation of strategies achieving higher payoffs. We show that when cultural variants affect Darwinian fitness, the selection pressure on helping can be markedly increased relative to that under genetic transmission. By contrast, when variants are driven by nonreproductive factors, the selection pressure on helping may be reduced relative to that under genetic inheritance. This occurs because, unlike biological offspring, the spread of cultural variants from one group to another through imitation does not reduce the number of these variants in the source group. As a consequence, there is increased within-group competition associated with traits increasing group productivity, which reduces the benefits of helping. In these cases, selection for harming behavior (decreasing the payoff to neighbors) may occur rather than selection for helping.

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Limited migration results in kin selective pressure on helping behaviors under a wide range of ecological, demographic and life-history situations. However, such genetically determined altruistic helping can evolve only when migration is not too strong and group size is not too large. Cultural inheritance of helping behaviors may allow altruistic helping to evolve in groups of larger size because cultural transmission has the potential to markedly decrease the variance within groups and augment the variance between groups. Here, we study the co-evolution of culturally inherited altruistic helping behaviors and two alternative cultural transmission rules for such behaviors. We find that conformist transmission, where individuals within groups tend to copy prevalent cultural variants (e.g., beliefs or values), has a strong adverse effect on the evolution of culturally inherited helping traits. This finding is at variance with the commonly held view that conformist transmission is a crucial factor favoring the evolution of altruistic helping in humans. By contrast, we find that under one-to-many transmission, where individuals within groups tend to copy a "leader" (or teacher), altruistic helping can evolve in groups of any size, although the cultural transmission rule itself hitchhikes rather weakly with a selected helping trait. Our results suggest that culturally determined helping behaviors are more likely to be driven by "leaders" than by popularity, but the emergence and stability of the cultural transmission rules themselves should be driven by some extrinsic factors.

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Technology (i.e. tools, methods of cultivation and domestication, systems of construction and appropriation, machines) has increased the vital rates of humans, and is one of the defining features of the transition from Malthusian ecological stagnation to a potentially perpetual rising population growth. Maladaptations, on the other hand, encompass behaviours, customs and practices that decrease the vital rates of individuals. Technology and maladaptations are part of the total stock of culture carried by the individuals in a population. Here, we develop a quantitative model for the coevolution of cumulative adaptive technology and maladaptive culture in a 'producer-scrounger' game, which can also usefully be interpreted as an 'individual-social' learner interaction. Producers (individual learners) are assumed to invent new adaptations and maladaptations by trial-and-error learning, insight or deduction, and they pay the cost of innovation. Scroungers (social learners) are assumed to copy or imitate (cultural transmission) both the adaptations and maladaptations generated by producers. We show that the coevolutionary dynamics of producers and scroungers in the presence of cultural transmission can have a variety of effects on population carrying capacity. From stable polymorphism, where scroungers bring an advantage to the population (increase in carrying capacity), to periodic cycling, where scroungers decrease carrying capacity, we find that selection-driven cultural innovation and transmission may send a population on the path of indefinite growth or to extinction.

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We construct a dynamic theory of civil conflict hinging on inter-ethnic trust and trade. The model economy is inhabitated by two ethnic groups. Inter-ethnic trade requires imperfectly observed bilateral investments and one group has to form beliefs on the average propensity to trade of the other group. Since conflict disrupts trade, the onset of a conflict signals that the aggressor has a low propensity to trade. Agents observe the history of conflicts and update their beliefs over time, transmitting them to the next generation. The theory bears a set of testable predictions. First, war is a stochastic process whose frequency depends on the state of endogenous beliefs. Second, the probability of future conflicts increases after each conflict episode. Third, "accidental" conflicts that do not reflect economic fundamentals can lead to a permanent breakdown of trust, plunging a society into a vicious cycle of recurrent conflicts (a war trap). The incidence of conflict can be reduced by policies abating cultural barriers, fostering inter-ethnic trade and human capital, and shifting beliefs. Coercive peace policies such as peacekeeping forces or externally imposed regime changes have instead no persistent effects.

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Helping behaviors can be innate, learned by copying others (cultural transmission) or individually learned de novo. These three possibilities are often entangled in debates on the evolution of helping in humans. Here we discuss their similarities and differences, and argue that evolutionary biologists underestimate the role of individual learning in the expression of helping behaviors in humans.

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Cultural variation in a population is affected by the rate of occurrence of cultural innovations, whether such innovations are preferred or eschewed, how they are transmitted between individuals in the population, and the size of the population. An innovation, such as a modification in an attribute of a handaxe, may be lost or may become a property of all handaxes, which we call "fixation of the innovation." Alternatively, several innovations may attain appreciable frequencies, in which case properties of the frequency distribution-for example, of handaxe measurements-is important. Here we apply the Moran model from the stochastic theory of population genetics to study the evolution of cultural innovations. We obtain the probability that an initially rare innovation becomes fixed, and the expected time this takes. When variation in cultural traits is due to recurrent innovation, copy error, and sampling from generation to generation, we describe properties of this variation, such as the level of heterogeneity expected in the population. For all of these, we determine the effect of the mode of social transmission: conformist, where there is a tendency for each naïve newborn to copy the most popular variant; pro-novelty bias, where the newborn prefers a specific variant if it exists among those it samples; one-to-many transmission, where the variant one individual carries is copied by all newborns while that individual remains alive. We compare our findings with those predicted by prevailing theories for rates of cultural change and the distribution of cultural variation.

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When individuals in a population can acquire traits through learning, each individual may express a certain number of distinct cultural traits. These traits may have been either invented by the individual himself or acquired from others in the population. Here, we develop a game theoretic model for the accumulation of cultural traits through individual and social learning. We explore how the rates of innovation, decay, and transmission of cultural traits affect the evolutionary stable (ES) levels of individual and social learning and the number of cultural traits expressed by an individual when cultural dynamics are at a steady-state. We explore the evolution of these phenotypes in both panmictic and structured population settings. Our results suggest that in panmictic populations, the ES level of learning and number of traits tend to be independent of the social transmission rate of cultural traits and is mainly affected by the innovation and decay rates. By contrast, in structured populations, where interactions occur between relatives, the ES level of learning and the number of traits per individual can be increased (relative to the panmictic case) and may then markedly depend on the transmission rate of cultural traits. This suggests that kin selection may be one additional solution to Rogers's paradox of nonadaptive culture.

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In species subject to individual and social learning, each individual is likely to express a certain number of different cultural traits acquired during its lifetime. If the process of trait innovation and transmission reaches a steady state in the population, the number of different cultural traits carried by an individual converges to some stationary distribution. We call this the trait-number distribution. In this paper, we derive the trait-number distributions for both individuals and populations when cultural traits are independent of each other. Our results suggest that as the number of cultural traits becomes large, the trait-number distributions approach Poisson distributions so that their means characterize cultural diversity in the population. We then analyse how the mean trait number varies at both the individual and population levels as a function of various demographic features, such as population size and subdivision, and social learning rules, such as conformism and anti-conformism. Diversity at the individual and population levels, as well as at the level of cultural homogeneity within groups, depends critically on the details of population demography and the individual and social learning rules.

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Résumé du poster : Diabetes is both an important chronic disease and a real public health problem. It requires a great control over the body and a great mastery of the tools used in the daily struggle to reach a physiological balance. It is therefore a disease in which health education plays an important role, since patients are expected to reach a certain autonomy in the management of their disease. But how can the patients' autonomy be promoted? This is the question to which this study tried to answer from the perspective of socio-cultural psychology. The study was launched by the Cantonal Diabetes Program Vaud and aimed at evaluating a health education setting located in the east region of the Canton Vaud. It was based on both quantitative and qualitative methodological approaches. The results showed that there is a correlation between the number of hospitalizations and the quality of support provided by this particular health education setting. Moreover, the acquisition of expertise appears to be a distributed and collective process based upon the actors' active participation in various types of activities and involving and extended network. Further research is now required in order to examine how health education might be grasped through the lens of social-cultural psychology.

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Studies of behaviour are increasingly focusing on acquisition of traits through cultural inheritance. Comparison of patterns of spatial population structure (FST) between neutral genetic loci and behavioural or cultural traits can been used to test hypotheses about demography, life history, and the mechanisms of inheritance/transmission of these traits in humans, chimpanzees and other animals. Here, we develop analytical expectations to show how FST in cultural traits can differ strongly from that measured at neutral genetic markers if migration is largely restricted to one sex but social learning is predominantly modelled on the other (e.g. males migrate, females serve as models for cultural traits), if one individual is the learning model for many, or if rates of innovation (individual learning) are high or rates of social learning are low. We discuss how comparisons of FST between genetic loci and behavioural traits can be applied to evaluate the importance of innovation in shaping patterns of cultural differentiation, as even low rates of innovation can considerably reduce FST, relative to observed structure at neutral genetic loci. Our results also suggest that differentiation in neutral cultural traits should occur over much smaller scales in species with male migration and female enculturation (or the reverse).

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How have changes in communications technology affected the way that misinformation spreads through a population and persists? To what extent do differences in the architecture of social networks affect the spread of misinformation, relative to the rates and rules by which individuals transmit or eliminate different pieces of information (cultural traits)? Here, we use analytical models and individual-based simulations to study how a 'cultural load' of misinformation can be maintained in a population under a balance between social transmission and selective elimination of cultural traits with low intrinsic value. While considerable research has explored how network architecture affects percolation processes, we find that the relative rates at which individuals transmit or eliminate traits can have much more profound impacts on the cultural load than differences in network architecture. In particular, the cultural load is insensitive to correlations between an individual's network degree and rate of elimination when these quantities vary among individuals. Taken together, these results suggest that changes in communications technology may have influenced cultural evolution more strongly through changes in the amount of information flow, rather than the details of who is connected to whom.

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Considérations méthodologiques Nous avons limité aux précisions indispensables à la compréhension de notre propos les considérations sur la gigantomachie en général. Nous renvoyons aux études signalées plus haut (supra, p. 7, n. 2), principalement pour ce qui concerne les géants avant leur transformation en anguipèdes à partir de l'époque hellénistique. Notre recherche de parallèles reposera sur quelques oeuvres d'art encore existantes : les sculptures décorant les plus importantes d'entre elles feront dès lors figure d'archétype, même si, bien sûr, rien ne permet d'exclure qu'il en ait existé de plus significatives. Parmi les nombreux monuments aujourd'hui disparus, respectivement parmi ceux qui seraient encore à découvrir, il s'en trouvait sans doute qui auraient été susceptibles de servir de modèle pour les sculptures ornant le fanum de Lousonna, duquel bien peu de restes nous sont parvenus. A l'exception de quelques renvois ponctuels, notre démarche s'est appuyée exclusivement sur du matériel et des informations déjà publiés. Pour la reconstitution des bas-reliefs de Lousonna, nous nous sommes inspiré généralement de sculptures hellénistiques et romaines dont l'ornementation présentait des similitudes avec les fragments à notre disposition ; la plupart des parallèles sont mentionnés dans le Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae. L'examen des volumes du Corpus Signorum Imperii Romani et de quelques autres recueils nous a permis de faire des propositions pour les cas restés en suspens. A une exception près, l'échantillonnage aéré formé à partir d'ensembles sculptés qui devaient avoir les mêmes caractéristiques que le matériel que nous tenterons d'identifier : ils comportaient des monstres anguipèdes avec les jambes se terminant par la tête du serpent, remontant au plus tard à la fin de la période romaine et produits dans un atelier gréco-romain. Afin de recréer avec le plus de vraisemblance possible l'environnement du fanum de Lousonna, nous avons recherché des édifices de caractéristiques semblables dans les catalogues de temples gallo-romains dressés par P. D. HORNE et A. C. KING (1980), respectivement I. FAUDUET et P. ARCELIN (1993). Tant l'absence presque complète de restes architecturaux susceptibles d'être rapportés à l'édifice religieux que la nature somme toute modeste du vicus lémanique nous ont fait opter pour une variante minimaliste, se limitant finalement à la structure supportant la gigantomachie devant un temple sans aucune décoration. Pour tenter de préciser les modalités de la transmission du thème des géants, nous envisagerons trois cheminements possibles : la tradition orale, la transmission littéraire et, enfin, la représentation iconographique, qu'il s'agisse de monuments, d'objets mobiliers ou même des quelques rares illustrations de textes antiques. Sauf indication contraire, les textes anciens sont cités dans les traductions des Belles-Lettres, des Sources chrétiennes ou de la Loeb Classical Library dont la liste figure à la page 161. La version française des textes dont aucune traduction n'était disponible est généralement due à François Mottas (traduction F.M.). Nous ne reportons les dates de naissance des auteurs ou des artistes mentionnés que lorsqu'elles sont utiles à la compréhension de notre exposé. En plus du rôle qu'ont pu jouer les oeuvres d'art disparues au cours des deux derniers millénaires, divers facteurs ont dû assurer la constitution et la mise au point d'un imaginaire de plus en plus élaboré des gigantomachies. La mémoire a certes sa part dans l'inspiration des artistes qui réalisèrent les sculptures de la cité lémanique; mais si un mythe ou le récit d'un événement peuvent s'être transmis de bouche à oreille au cours des siècles, certaines ressemblances dans l'attitude des personnages sont trop frappantes, même en tenant compte de ces gestes qu'il n'existe qu'une seule façon de représenter: il n'est dès lors pas possible d'imaginer que la transmission des détails des scènes se serait pratiquée uniquement par voie orale. Si le voyage touristique; tel que nous l'entendons de nos jours, n'a pas existé, les personnes susceptibles d'avoir ramené des informations de leurs déplacements à travers l'Empire sont plus nombreuses qu'on ne le croirait au premier abord. Fonctionnaires allant prendre leur charge ou en mission dans une contrée voisine; soldats, parmi lesquels des mercenaires gaulois; pèlerins ayant visité de grands sanctuaires, comme celui d'Esculape à Pergame, emplacement de la gigantomachie la plus impressionnante, ou d'autres lieux de culte; jeunes fortunés ayant étudié à Athènes; commerçants accompagnés par des muletiers ou des portefaix acheminant leurs marchandises; membres de corporations ou artisans exerçant des métiers itinérants; esclaves, dont l'exportation devait représenter une source de revenus intéressante pour les commerçants romains; en dernier lieu, sans parler des artistes eux-mêmes, ces arpenteurs-géomètres chargés de toutes sortes de relevés qui accompagnaient les empereurs lors de leurs déplacements (infra, p. 36). Il faudra cependant rester prudent quant à l'affirmation d'une connaissance visuelle directe que les sculpteurs de Lousonna auraient eue des réalisations antiques avec lesquelles nous mettrons la gigantomachie en parallèle. Même si elle n'a toujours pas pu être prouvée, la circulation de cahiers de modèles semble bel et bien assurée: dans un atelier, les maîtres ont forcément passé leurs croquis à leurs successeurs et ceci s'est peut-être répété pour plusieurs générations d'artisans. Sans parler des monnaies, d'autres moyens de transmission peuvent encore être mentionnés : éventuelles éditions illustrées de textes antiques, motifs gravés sur des gemmes ou représentés sur des récipients décorés... Une observation s'impose ici : la plupart des monuments que nous utiliserons pour notre reconstitution existaient encore lors de l'érection de notre gigantomachie. Une fois les bas-reliefs de Lousonna reconstitués, restait donc à combler l'absence de toute étude sur la survie de la gigantomachie à travers les âges et à préciser l'emploi qui en serait fait à la Renaissance. Divers recueils d'ouvrages consacrés à la mythologie et remontant à cette période nous ont permis de décrire les modalités de la reprise du récit de la guerre des géants; en l'absence de toute synthèse sur ceux-ci dans la peinture de la Renaissance, c'est en partant de l'examen des nombreux travaux consacrés au Palazzo del Te à Mantoue que nous avons pu établir un lien entre les représentations de géants peintes durant la première moitié du 16ème siècle, au cours duquel la gigantomachie était redevenue un sujet d'actualité. Le monument de la bourgade lémanique comporte encore neuf personnages et constitue, avec celui d'Yzeures-sur-Creuse, l'exemplaire le plus complet découvert dans la partie occidentale de l'Empire romain : il méritait bien d'être à l'origine d'une telle démarche.

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A new study shows that wood ant queens selectively pass the maternally-inherited half of their genome to their daughters and the paternally-inherited half to their sons. This system, which most likely evolved from ancestral hybridization, creates distinct genetic lineages.