Citizen participation and the Lisbon Treaty : A legal perspective

How to "bring the [European] Union closer to its citizens" is a vexed and vital problem of European integration. Article 11 TEU on participatory democracy, recently introduced by the Lisbon Treaty, is meant to be part of the solution. The EU Economic and Social Committee has gone so far as to define this provision "a milestone on the road to a people's Europe that is real and feasible". This appears to be an overly optimistic assessment - partly because art. 11 relies heavily on the involvement of civil society organisations, which political science literature suggests is conceptually and/or practically irrelevant to citizen involvement; partly because it largely formalizes participatory practices that have been in existence for years without cognizable effects on citizen participation; and partly because even its most innovative element - the European citizens' initiative (ECI) - does not bring significant changes to the Union's constitutional arrangements in terms of redistributing decision-making power. In addition to that, secondary legislation places significant hurdles on the submission of ECIs and might prevent or delay their becoming a standard democratic practice. This is not to say that art. 11 TEU has no potential at all. Its insertion in the Treaty might provide impetus to rethink and develop past participatory practices, such as horizontal civil dialogue. Moreover, the effects of "popular input" in the form of ECIs on EU institutional dynamics is as yet unknown - and perhaps not negligible, to judge from the keen interest that the European Parliament and other bodies have demonstrated in "appropriating" it as a political asset. Finally, art. 11 raises the stakes of the Union's democratic challenge and might pressure EU institutions to make full use of its potential. Or, if eventually proved inadequate, art. 11 might constitute a constitutional experiment on the way to meaningful forms of direct democracy at EU level.

Do voting advice applications have an effect on electoral participation and voter turnout ? : Evidence from the 2007 Swiss Federal Elections

Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) render a valuable platform for tackling one of democracy's central challenges: low voter turnout. Studies indicate that lack of information and cost-benefit considerations cause voters to abstain from voting. VAAs are online voting assistance tools which match own political preferences with those of candidates and parties in elections. By assisting voters in their decision-making process prior to casting their votes, VAAs not only rebut rational choice reasoning against voting but also narrow existing information gaps. In this paper we examine the impact of VAAs on participation and voter turnout. Specifically, we present results on how the Swiss VAA smartvote affected voter turnout in the 2007 federal elections. Our analyses suggest that smartvote does have a mobilizing capacity, especially among young voters who are usually underrepresented at polls. Moreover, the study demonstrates how VAAs such as smartvote do affect citizen's propensity to deal with politics in general.

Alcoolisme et violence: dangerosité et relation médecin-malade [Alcohol and violence: reflection on care and responsibility].

Violence and aggression in human drinking society, either physical, psychological, sexual or resulting from neglect are not only debilitating both for the victim and the offender but extremely prevalent and pervasive. While being on the frontline to identify and rate auto- and hetero aggressive behaviour risk, the general health practitioner remains keen to protect his special relationship. When a history of violent behaviour becomes apparent, discernment must be thoroughly assessed and a critical exploration of its larger impact on family, children, co-workers and everyday fellow citizen should become compulsory.

Ex-post survey on the consequences and perceptions about amalgamation : The case of two Swiss municipalities

In 2006, two municipalities located in the canton of Fribourg (Switzerland), La Tour-de-Trême and Bulle, amalgamated. In this study, we report on the evolution of citizen perceptions as well as try to better understand the reasons behind the respondents various positions concerning this new political and territorial entity. Five-hundred individuals were surveyed almost four years after the amalgamation came into effect. Our results show that if the amalgamation was voted again, it would be necessary to be particularly attentive to citizen access to municipal offices and to local service provisions, to citizen identification to their municipality as well as to the life of the local associations. Indeed, these are clearly important issues for small localities. Furthermore, citizens of the newly amalgamated municipality are mostly sensitive to access to municipal offices and to contact with local representatives. Improving the population's perceptions of these particular issues could lead to a 12 percentage point increase in support for the amalgamation.

Are the Policy Preferences of Relatively Poor Citizens Under-represented in the Swiss Parliament?

The principle of equal political representation can be undermined by differences in economic resources among citizens. Poor citizens are likely to hold policy preferences that differ from those of richer citizens. At the same time, their lack of resources can have as a consequence that these preferences are not taken into consideration by their representatives. Focusing on the case of the Swiss Parliament and using survey data on the opinions of citizens and MPs in the 2007-2011 legislature, this study investigates whether the income of citizens systematically affects the proximity of their policy preferences with stances of their representatives. It demonstrates that on economic issues MPs hold preferences that are generally less in favour of the state's intervention in the economy than the median citizen and that relatively poor citizens are less well represented as compared to citizens with high incomes. This remains true when taking into account only the opinions of the most knowledgeable citizens among these groups as well as when the focus is only on those who turned out to vote.

On Strong Citizens: A Sociological View on Cognitions and Contentious Participation

The present thesis is about cognitions of left-wing activists and the role they play to better understand contentious participation. It compares activists of three post-industrial social movement organizations in Switzerland, i.e. Solidarity across Borders defending migrant's rights, the Society of Threatened People promoting collective human rights and Greenpeace protecting the environment. It makes use of an innovative mixed methods design combining survey and interview data. The main theoretical contribution is to conceptualize an analytical tool enabling to grasp the cognitive map of these activists by putting forward the concept of strong citizen, summing up their relation to society and politics. The relation to society consists of an extensive relation to others and an interconnected vision of society. Consequently, their primary concerns include the handing of common goods and the equal treatment of individuals with regard to common goods. The relation to politics incorporates a critical and vigilant citizen. They are critical towards political authorities and they appreciate political action by organized groups of the civil society. The thesis states that only by having such worldviews activists are able to construct an injustice, agency and identity frame for the claims of their organizations. Thus, the present work delivers a parsimonious answer to the question of where an injustice, agency and identity frame comes from. It does so by a systematic analysis of four specific arguments. First, it empirically demonstrates that these activists have - at the aggregate level - specific cognitive resources compared to the general population. Second, it describes the content of this specific cognitive outlook by evaluating the appropriateness of the strong citizen concept. Third, it looks at variations between activist's communities and shows that activists of more challenging protest issues are stronger citizens than activists of more mainstream protests. Finally, cognitions are not the only part of the story if one looks at contentious participation. Other factors, i.e. social networks and biographical availability, matter too. Therefore, I test if cognitions are able to contribute in explaining differences between activists' communities if one controls for other factors. In sum, this thesis is thus a first step to demonstrate why one should be concerned about activists' cognitions. - Cette thèse s'intéresse aux cognitions des activistes de gauche et à leur rôle dans le phénomène de la participation contestataire. Des activistes de trois organisations post- industrielles en Suisse sont comparé, à savoir Solidarité sans Frontières qui défend les droits des migrants, la Société des Peuples menacés qui promeut les droits des collectivités minoritaires et Greenpeace qui oeuvre pour la protection de l'environnement. Cette recherche utilise un « mixed methods design » en combinant de manière innovant des données de sondage et d'entretiens. Ma principale contribution théorique réside dans la conceptualisation d'un outil analytique qui permet de saisir la « carte cognitive » des activistes, à travers le concept de « strong citizen » qui se réfère à la relation spécifique qu'entretiennent certains individus avec la société et la politique. Ces individus sont caractérisés par une vision inclusive et interconnectée de la société, ainsi que par une conception politique du citoyen comme critique et vigilant. Mon argument principal est celui selon lequel seuls les individus possédant ce type particulier de cognitions sont capable de construire un cadre d'injustice, d'« agency » et d'identité. Cette thèse apporte donc quelques éléments de réponse à la question de l'origine de ces cadres cognitifs qui sont cruciales pour la participation. Pour ce faire, quatre aspects spécifiques sont analysés de manière systématique. Premièrement, je démontre empiriquement, au niveau agrégé, que ces activistes possèdent effectivement des ressources cognitives spécifiques - en comparaison avec la population générale. Deuxièmement, j'analyse le contenu de ces cognitions, ce qui me permet notamment d'évaluer la pertinence et l'adéquation du concept de « strong citizen ». Troisièmement, en m'intéressant cette fois aux variations entre communautés d'activistes, je démontre que ceux réunis autour d'enjeux protestataires très revendicatifs sont, d'un point de vue cognitif, plus proches de la figure du « strong citizen » que ceux mobilisés sur des enjeux plus consensuels. Finalement, d'autres facteurs, à savoir les réseaux sociaux et la disponibilité biographique, sont intégrés à l'analyse afin de mesurer le réel pouvoir explicatif des cognitions dans l'explication des différences observées entre communautés d'activistes. A travers ces analyses, cette thèse met en avant l'importance du rôle des cognitions dans l'étude de la participation contestataire.

Comment faire de la surveillance sanitaire? L'exemple de l'Observatoire Valaisan de la Santé en Suisse [How to conduct public health surveillance? The example of the Observatoire Valaisan de la Santé in Switzerland].

OBJECTIVE: To describe the goals and methods of contemporary public health surveillance and to present the activities of the Observatoire Valaisan de la Santé (OVS), a tool unique in Switzerland to conduct health surveillance for the population of a canton. METHODS: Narrative review and presentation of the OVS. RESULTS: Public health surveillance consists of systematic and continuous collection, analysis, interpretation and dissemination of health data necessary for public health planning. Surveillance is organized according to contemporary public health issues. Switzerland is currently in an era dominated by chronic diseases due to ageing of the population. This "new public health" era is also characterized by the growing importance of health technology, rational risk management, preventive medicine and health promotion, and the central role of the citizen/patient. Information technologies provide access to new health data, but public health surveillance methods need to be adapted. In Switzerland, health surveillance activities are conducted by several public and private bodies, at federal and cantonal levels. The Valais canton has set up the OVS, an integrative, regional, and reactive system to conduct surveillance. CONCLUSION: Public health surveillance provides information useful for public health decisions and actions. It constitutes a key element for public health planning.

Shared decision making development in Switzerland: room for improvement!

In Switzerland there is a strong movement at a national policy level towards strengthening patient rights and patient involvement in health care decisions. Yet, there is no national programme promoting shared decision making. First decision support tools (prenatal diagnosis and screening) for the counselling process have been developed and implemented. Although Swiss doctors acknowledge that shared decision making is important, hierarchical structures and asymmetric physician-patient relationships are still prevailing. The last years have seen some promising activities regarding the training of medical students and the development of patient support programmes. Swiss direct democracy and the habit of consensual decision making and citizen involvement in general may provide a fertile ground for SDM development in the primary care setting.

Citizens' preferences for brand name drugs for treating acute and chronic conditions: a pilot study.

Background: Generic drugs have been advocated to decrease the proportion of healthcare costs devoted to drugs, but are still underused. Objective: To assess citizens' preferences for brand name drugs (BNDs) compared with generic drugs for treating acute and chronic conditions. Methods: A questionnaire with eight hypothetical scenarios describing four acute and four chronic conditions was developed, with willingness to pay (WTP) determined using a payment card system randomized to ascending (AO) or descending order (DO) of prices. The questionnaire was distributed with an explanation sheet, an informed consent form and a pre-stamped envelope over a period of 3 weeks in 19 community pharmacies in Lausanne, Switzerland. The questionnaire was distributed to every third customer who also had health insurance, understood French and was aged =16 years (up to a maximum of ten customers per day and 100 per pharmacy). The main outcome measure was preferences assessed by WTP for BNDs as compared with generics, and impact of participants' characteristics on WTP. Results: Of the 1800 questionnaires, 991 were distributed and 393 returned (pharmacy participation rate?=?55%, subject participation rate?=?40%, overall response rate?=?22%); 51.7% were AO and 48.3% DO. Participants were predominantly women (62.6%) and of median age 62 years (range 16-90). The majority (70%) declared no WTP for BNDs as compared with generics. WTP was higher in people with an acute disease than in those with a chronic disease, did not depend on the type of chronic disease, and was higher in people from countries other than Switzerland. Conclusions: Most citizens visiting pharmacies attribute no added value to BNDs as compared with generics, although some citizen characteristics affected WTP. These results could be of interest to several categories of decision makers within the healthcare system.

The Poor Representation of the Poor in a Comparative Perspective

Due to diverging levels of political influence of various income groups, political institutions likely reflect¦the policy preferences of certain groups of citizens better than others, independently of their numerical¦weight. This runs counter the egalitarian principle of 'one citizen, one vote'. The present article documents¦a general trend of underrepresentation of the preferences of relatively poor citizens both by¦parties and by governments across Western democracies, although important cross-national differences¦exist.

Cyberadministration : un tremplin pour les pays émergents : illustration à travers un exemple, constats et perspectives

Nous assistons actuellement à une diffusion, à l'échelle planétaire, des Technologies de l'Information et de la Communication (TIC) même si elle se fait à des rythmes différents selon les nations (voire entre les régions d'un même pays) créant ainsi un fossé dit « numérique », en sus des multiples inégalités déjà présentes. Cette révolution informatique et technologique engendre de nombreux changements dans les rapports sociaux et permet de nombreuses applications destinées à simplifier la vie quotidienne de tout un chacun. Amine Bekkouche se penche sur la problématique de la cyberadministration comme conséquence importante des TIC, à l'instar du commerce électronique. Il présente, d'abord, une synthèse des principaux concepts de la cyberadministration ainsi qu'un panorama de la situation mondiale en ce domaine. Par la suite, il appréhende la cyberadministration dans la perspective des pays émergents, notamment, à travers l'illustration d'un pays en développement représentatif. Il propose alors des solutions concrètes qui prennent comme point de départ le secteur éducatif pour permettre une « alphabétisation informatique » de la société afin de contribuer justement à réduire le fossé numérique. Il élargit, ensuite, ces propositions à d'autres domaines et formule des recommandations facilitant leur mise en oeuvre. Il conclut, enfin, sur des perspectives qui pourraient constituer autant de pistes de recherches futures et permettre l'élaboration de projets de développement, à travers l'appropriation de ces TIC, pour améliorer la condition de l'administré, et plus globalement, du citoyen. - We are currently witnessing a distribution of Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) on a global scale. Yet, this distribution is carried out in different rhythms within each nation (and even among regions in a given country), which creates a "digital" gap, in addition to multiple inequalities already present. This computing and technological revolution engenders many changes in social relationships and permits numerous applications that are destined to simplify our lives. Amine Bekkouche takes a closer look at the issue of e-government as an important consequence of ICTs, following the example of electronic commerce. First, he presents a synthesis of the main concepts in e- government as well as a panoramic view of the global situation in this domain. Subsequently, he studies e-government in view of emerging countries, in particular through the illustration of a country in representative development. Then, he offers concrete solutions, which take the education sector as their starting point, to allow for a "computed digitalisation" of society that contribute to reduce the digital gap. Thereafter, he broadens these proposals to other domains and formulates recommendations that help their implementation. Finally, he concludes with perspectives that may constitute further research tracks and enable the elaboration of development projects, through the appropriation of ICTs, in order to improve the condition of the administered, and more generally, that of the citizen.