18 resultados para Archival activism
em Université de Lausanne, Switzerland
Resumo:
Background: The purpose of the work reported here is to test reliable molecular profiles using routinely processed formalin-fixed paraffin-embedded (FFPE) tissues from participants of the clinical trial BIG 1-98 with a median follow-up of 60 months. Methods: RNA from fresh frozen (FF) and FFPE tumor samples of 82 patients were used for quality control, and independent FFPE tissues of 342 postmenopausal participants of BIG 1-98 with ER-positive cancer were analyzed by measuring prospectively selected genes and computing scores representing the functions of the estrogen receptor (eight genes, ER_8), the progesterone receptor (five genes, PGR_5), Her2 (two genes, HER2_2), and proliferation (ten genes, PRO_10) by quantitative reverse transcription PCR (qRT-PCR) on TaqMan Low Density Arrays. Molecular scores were computed for each category and ER_8, PGR_5, HER2_2, and PRO_10 scores were combined into a RISK_25 score. Results: Pearson correlation coefficients between FF- and FFPE-derived scores were at least 0.94 and high concordance was observed between molecular scores and immunohistochemical data. The HER2_2, PGR_ 5, PRO_10 and RISK_25 scores were significant predictors of disease free-survival (DFS) in univariate Cox proportional hazard regression. PRO_10 and RISK_25 scores predicted DFS in patients with histological grade II breast cancer and in lymph node positive disease. The PRO_10 and PGR_ 5 scores were independent predictors of DFS in multivariate Cox regression models incorporating clinical risk indicators; PRO_10 outperformed Ki-67 labeling index in multivariate Cox proportional hazard analyses. Conclusions: Scores representing the endocrine responsiveness and proliferation status of breast cancers were developed from gene expression analyses based on RNA derived from FFPE tissues. The validation of the molecular scores with tumor samples of participants of the BIG 1-98 trial demonstrates that such scores can serve as independent prognostic factors to estimate disease free survival (DFS) in postmenopausal patients with estrogen receptor positive breast cancer.
Resumo:
Prior the middle of the 90', interviewing participants in protest events was quiet rare. INdividual SUrveys in RAllies (INSURA) did enter the social researcher's usual toolkit only in the following decade after Favre, Fillieule and Mayer (1997) conducted such a survey with as a primary ambition to build a solid methodological framework that could be subsequently applied by other researchers. After some years of intensive use of INSURA, one is entitled to wonder whether that technique has fulfilled social researchers' hopes or not. In that paper, results of a collective work on alter-global rallies in Evian and Saint- Denis are used to answer three interrelated questions. Firstly, some basic methodological questions about how to collect data on crowds are adressed. What are the specific constraints of interviewing people at the very moment they are "expressing" a political opinion? What specific constraints result from the morphology of the covered events, that is to say, how to build a valid sampling frame? The authors then turn to a more general point about the questions that can be solved, or not, using that technique. Secondly it is the strenghts and weaknesses of INSURA in exploring the transnational dimension of alter global protests that is adressed. The authors show that INSURA is certainly well suited to explore the demographics of alter-global events, as well as relational networks of individuals and multiple belongings. On the contrary, it is assumed that organization networks and movement's boundaries are far more difficult to explore through that method, a fact that seriously limits international cross comparisons of events and movements based on that tool.
Resumo:
Cette thèse entend apporter un éclairage sur l'histoire politique et sociale de la Suisse des années 68, en étudiant l'articulation entre les mouvements anti-impérialistes et la nouvelle gauche radicale, alors foisonnante. Il s'agit d'analyser cette période de contestation au prisme de l'anti-impérialisme révolutionnaire, lequel, dans le contexte de l'opposition à la guerre du Vietnam, a fortement imprégné le mouvement protestataire, en assignant notamment au tiers-monde le rôle de sujet de l'émancipation mondiale. Combinant une triple approche - chronologique, thématique et biographique - ce travail est structuré en quatre parties. La première partie esquisse un panorama des mouvements anti-impérialistes des années 1960 et 1970 en Suisse, avec une focalisation sur les «années anti-imp», entre 1968 et 1975. La deuxième interroge le rapport entre anti¬impérialisme et nouvelle gauche radicale, en proposant une typologie des principaux courants. La troisième partie s'attache à examiner le système de représentations du monde et de la Suisse véhiculé par le discours de l'extrême gauche. Prenant pour objet le militantisme, la dernière partie esquisse un portrait de groupe de la « génération anti-imp », fondé sur une enquête prosopographique et sur un corpus d'entretiens réalisés avec des militants de l'époque. L'étude révèle que l'anti-impérialisme a fourni à la contestation soixante-huitarde un cadre conceptuel et analytique, un facteur de structuration, ainsi qu'un vecteur de mobilisation. Il a en particulier permis à la gauche radicale suisse d'inscrire sa lutte anticapitaliste locale dans un horizon global d'émancipation. L'analyse de l'anti-impérialisme révolutionnaire, qui a connu son apogée dans les années 68 avant de connaître un déclin rapide et presque total, invite à appréhender cette « décennie mouvementée » comme la fin d'un long cycle politique. -- This thesis aims to shed light on the social and political history of Switzerland in the 1960s and 1970s by studying the relationship between anti-imperialist movements and the emerging new radical left. It analyses this time of rebellion through the prism of revolutionary anti-imperialism. In the context of opposition to the Vietnam War, anti-imperialism strongly influenced protest movements, notably by assigning to the Third World the role of main actor in the fight for global emancipation. Combining a threefold approach - chronological, thematic and biographical - this work is structured in four parts. The first part provides a panorama of the anti-imperialist movements of the long 1960s in Switzerland with a focus on the « anti-imp years » between 1968 and 1975. The second part questions the relationship between anti-imperialism and the new radical left and proposes a typology of its main currents. The third part examines how the radical left's discourse represented the world, and Switzerland in particular. The last part addresses the question of activism and outlines a group portrait of the « anti-imp generation » based on a prosopographical study and on a body of interviews with former activists. This study reveals that anti-imperialism, besides serving as an agent of mobilization, provided a conceptual and ideological framework, as well as a structuring factor, to the protest movements. In particular, it enabled the Swiss radical left to fit its local anti-capitalist struggle into a global horizon of emancipation. This analysis of revolutionary anti- imperialism, which had its heyday in the 1960s and 1970s before experiencing a rapid and almost total decline, thus invites us to see this « turbulent decade » as the end of a long political cycle.
Resumo:
For glioblastoma (GBM), survival classification has primarily relied on clinical criteria, exemplified by the Radiation Therapy Oncology Group (RTOG) recursive partitioning analysis (RPA). We sought to improve tumor classification by combining tumor biomarkers with the clinical RPA data. To accomplish this, we first developed 4 molecular biomarkers derived from gene expression profiling, a glioma CpG island methylator phenotype, a novel MGMT promoter methylation assay, and IDH1 mutations. A molecular predictor (MP) model was created with these 4 biomarkers on a training set of 220 retrospectively collected archival GBMtumors. ThisMPwas further combined with RPA classification to develop a molecular-clinical predictor (MCP). The median survivals for the combined, 4-class MCP were 65 months, 31 months, 13 months, and 9 months, which was significantly improved when compared with the RPA alone. The MCP was then applied to 725 samples from the RTOG-0525 cohort, showing median survival for each risk group of NR, 26 months, 16 months, and 11 months. The MCP was significantly improved over the RPA at outcome prediction in the RTOG 0525 cohort with a 33%increase in explained variation with respect to survival, validating the result obtained in the training set. To illustrate the benefit of the MCP for patient stratification, we examined progression-free survival (PFS) for patients receiving standard-dose temozolomide (SD-TMZ) vs. dose-dense TMZ (DD-TMZ) in RPA and MCP risk groups. A significant difference between DD-TMZ and SD-TMZ was observed in the poorest surviving MCP risk group with a median PFS of 6 months vs. 3 months (p ¼ 0.048, log-rank test). This difference was not seen using the RPA classification alone. In summary, we have developed a combined molecular-clinical predictor that appears to improve outcome prediction when compared with clinical variables alone. This MCP may serve to better identify patients requiring intensive treatments beyond the standard of care.
Resumo:
The present thesis is about cognitions of left-wing activists and the role they play to better understand contentious participation. It compares activists of three post-industrial social movement organizations in Switzerland, i.e. Solidarity across Borders defending migrant's rights, the Society of Threatened People promoting collective human rights and Greenpeace protecting the environment. It makes use of an innovative mixed methods design combining survey and interview data. The main theoretical contribution is to conceptualize an analytical tool enabling to grasp the cognitive map of these activists by putting forward the concept of strong citizen, summing up their relation to society and politics. The relation to society consists of an extensive relation to others and an interconnected vision of society. Consequently, their primary concerns include the handing of common goods and the equal treatment of individuals with regard to common goods. The relation to politics incorporates a critical and vigilant citizen. They are critical towards political authorities and they appreciate political action by organized groups of the civil society. The thesis states that only by having such worldviews activists are able to construct an injustice, agency and identity frame for the claims of their organizations. Thus, the present work delivers a parsimonious answer to the question of where an injustice, agency and identity frame comes from. It does so by a systematic analysis of four specific arguments. First, it empirically demonstrates that these activists have - at the aggregate level - specific cognitive resources compared to the general population. Second, it describes the content of this specific cognitive outlook by evaluating the appropriateness of the strong citizen concept. Third, it looks at variations between activist's communities and shows that activists of more challenging protest issues are stronger citizens than activists of more mainstream protests. Finally, cognitions are not the only part of the story if one looks at contentious participation. Other factors, i.e. social networks and biographical availability, matter too. Therefore, I test if cognitions are able to contribute in explaining differences between activists' communities if one controls for other factors. In sum, this thesis is thus a first step to demonstrate why one should be concerned about activists' cognitions. - Cette thèse s'intéresse aux cognitions des activistes de gauche et à leur rôle dans le phénomène de la participation contestataire. Des activistes de trois organisations post- industrielles en Suisse sont comparé, à savoir Solidarité sans Frontières qui défend les droits des migrants, la Société des Peuples menacés qui promeut les droits des collectivités minoritaires et Greenpeace qui oeuvre pour la protection de l'environnement. Cette recherche utilise un « mixed methods design » en combinant de manière innovant des données de sondage et d'entretiens. Ma principale contribution théorique réside dans la conceptualisation d'un outil analytique qui permet de saisir la « carte cognitive » des activistes, à travers le concept de « strong citizen » qui se réfère à la relation spécifique qu'entretiennent certains individus avec la société et la politique. Ces individus sont caractérisés par une vision inclusive et interconnectée de la société, ainsi que par une conception politique du citoyen comme critique et vigilant. Mon argument principal est celui selon lequel seuls les individus possédant ce type particulier de cognitions sont capable de construire un cadre d'injustice, d'« agency » et d'identité. Cette thèse apporte donc quelques éléments de réponse à la question de l'origine de ces cadres cognitifs qui sont cruciales pour la participation. Pour ce faire, quatre aspects spécifiques sont analysés de manière systématique. Premièrement, je démontre empiriquement, au niveau agrégé, que ces activistes possèdent effectivement des ressources cognitives spécifiques - en comparaison avec la population générale. Deuxièmement, j'analyse le contenu de ces cognitions, ce qui me permet notamment d'évaluer la pertinence et l'adéquation du concept de « strong citizen ». Troisièmement, en m'intéressant cette fois aux variations entre communautés d'activistes, je démontre que ceux réunis autour d'enjeux protestataires très revendicatifs sont, d'un point de vue cognitif, plus proches de la figure du « strong citizen » que ceux mobilisés sur des enjeux plus consensuels. Finalement, d'autres facteurs, à savoir les réseaux sociaux et la disponibilité biographique, sont intégrés à l'analyse afin de mesurer le réel pouvoir explicatif des cognitions dans l'explication des différences observées entre communautés d'activistes. A travers ces analyses, cette thèse met en avant l'importance du rôle des cognitions dans l'étude de la participation contestataire.
Resumo:
Participation research has documented the effect of partner and parenthood status, thereby ignoring the dynamic aspect of status changes. Based on theoretical insights on changes in political resources and interest, this study looks at partnership and parenthood as dynamic characteristics. Using data from the Swiss Household Panel (SHP), it examines to what extent important life-cycle transitions in partnership and parental status influence various forms of political and civic participation and whether they affect men and women's participation differently. Our regression analyses reveal that particularly the entry into separation or divorce is a main key point driving change in political and civic participation. Its effect is also highly gendered. Following separation, women participate less in voting, whereas men's participation rates are not affected in a negative way. Separation even increases men's level of anticipated activism. Children entering or leaving the household do not seem to represent key points of change in political and civic participation of the couple. Yet, the transition to having school-aged children significantly increases some types of participation, at least for women.
Resumo:
Purpose: Melastatin (MLSN-1) belongs to the transient receptor potential (TRP) superfamilly of calcium-permeable channels, and has been reported to be a melanocyte-specific gene. In human cutaneous melanoma, MLSN-1 mRNA expression displays a pattern of inverse correlation to disease free survival. We describe the patterns of MLSN-1 mRNA expression in conjunctival nevi, conjunctival melanoma, and uveal melanoma. Methods: In situ hybridization using two S35-labelled riboprobes for MLSN-1 was performed on formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded tissues. A control probe for H4 histone was used to confirm mRNA integrity in these archival tissues. The 21 ocular melanocytic lesions studied included 5 conjunctival nevi, 6 conjunctival melanomas, and 10 enucleated eyes with uveal melanoma. The minimal requirement for interpretation of MLSN-1 mRNA loss was the presence of only background signal in a focus of at least 5 adjacent melanocytic cells. Results: Ubiquitous expression of MLSN-1 mRNA was found in conjunctival melanocytes in the non-lesional epithelium adjacent to the conjunctival melanocytic proliferations and in all 5 conjunctival nevi studied. Four different patterns of MLSN-1 mRNA expression were observed in conjunctival melanomas: one case showed complete preservation of MLSN-1 mRNA, two cases showed diffuse scattered loss of MLSN-1 mRNA, two cases showed focal clonal loss of MLSN-1 mRNA expression, and one case had no detected MLSN-1 mRNA. In uveal melanomas, MLSN-1 mRNA expression was partially preserved in two cases, lost by a clearly delimited subset of tumor cells (focal clonal loss) in four cases, and was not detectable in the entire tumor in four cases. MLSN-1 mRNA expression was also found in the normal iris, ciliary and choroidal melanocytes as well as in the retinal pigmented epithelium and in the inner nuclear layer of the retina. Conclusions: The patterns of MLSN-1 mRNA expression in the ocular melanocytic proliferations are similar to those reported in cutaneous melanocytic proliferations. In the conjunctiva, MLSN-1 mRNA expression appeared to correlate with tumor progression; all the benign conjunctival nevi had preserved expression of MLSN-1 mRNA and most of the conjunctival melanomas partial or complete loss of expression. In uveal melanoma, patterns of melastatin expression ranging from partial preservation to complete loss were found. Additional studies of a large number of ocular melanocytic proliferations may show a correlation with tumor progression and prognosis similar to that observed in cutaneous melanoma.
Comparison of Seegene Anyplex II HPV28 with the PGMY-CHUV Assay for Human Papillomavirus Genotyping.
Resumo:
The Anyplex II HPV28 (H28; Seegene) is a new semiquantitative real-time multiplex PCR assay for screening and genotyping 28 human papillomaviruses (HPV) in only 2 reaction wells. H28 was compared to the PGMY-CHUV assay (PG) with 309 archival DNA samples from cervical smears collected over 8 years in our laboratory. H28 and PG were fully concordant at the genotypic level on 228 (73.8%) out of 309 samples: 27 HPV negative and 201 HPV positive. The 201 fully concordant positive samples corresponded to single infections (n = 145) and to multiple infections (2 genotypes, n = 38; 3 to 5 genotypes, n = 18). The remaining 81 samples (26.2%) were either partially concordant (n = 64, 20.7%) or fully discordant (n = 17, 5.5%). While genotype-specific agreement was nearly perfect (κ = 0.877), HPV51 was significantly less well detected by H28 and the converse was observed for HPV40, -42, -54, and -68. Sequencing of PG amplicons confirmed HPV51 discordants and suggested the involvement of a possibly local HPV51 subtype. Mismatches in the PGMY09 primers to HPV68a explained most of the HPV68 discordants, confirming the specificity of H28 toward HPV68. With PG as a reference, the sensitivity and specificity of H28 were 93.4% and 99.0%, respectively. Considering H28 as a reference, the sensitivity and specificity of PG were 83.8% and 99.6%, respectively. H28 is a very sensitive and specific HPV genotyping assay suitable for research and clinical use as an adjunct to a clinically validated test. H28 semiquantitative readout ought to be evaluated for primary cervical cancer screening.
Resumo:
Introduction: The Alternative Lengthening of Telomeres (ALT) mechanism is a significant prognostic factor for longer survival in patients with GBM, irrespective of age. The reasons for this are unknown. We considered two possibilities; firstly that ALT identifies a subset of less aggressive GBMs, or alternatively, a group of tumours that respond more favourably to adjuvant therapy. Methods: ALT was determined by staining for ALT Associated PML Bodies (APBs) in archival tissue in a retrospective analysis of 573 GBM patients. IDH1 mutation was determined by immunohistochemistry in a subset of these. Results: We identified the presence of the telomerase-independent ALT in 15% of GBM patients and found that it correlated with survival (22% of ALT patients survive more than 2 years compared to 9% for non-ALT). This survival advantage was independent of surgery type (biopsy or full resection) and treatment (radiotherapy and chemotherapy). Interestingly ALT conferred a significant survival advantage for patients who only received surgery (13.3 months compared to 5.5 months) (19% vs 1% .2 year survival). This survival benefit was also observed in GBM patients who received surgery and radiotherapy (18.5% vs 2.4%. 2 year survival), but less so for chemotherapy (21% vs 17% . 2 year survival). For the ALT patients the fraction surviving more than 2 years did not improve significantly with adjuvant therapy. IDH1 mutation also associated with ALT. Conclusions: These data indicate ALT+ tumours are biologically distinct and associated with improved patient survival, probably due to less aggressive/invasive growth. However they respond poorly to current adjuvant treatment and therefore new therapies are urgently needed for this group.
Resumo:
The subject "Value and prices in Russian economic thought (1890--1920)" should evoke several names and debates in the reader's mind. For a long time, Western scholars have been aware that the Russian economists Tugan-Baranovsky and Bortkiewicz were active participants to the Marxian transformation problem, that the mathematical models of Dmitriev prefigured forthcoming neoricardian based models, and that many Russian economists were either supporting the Marxian labour theory of value or being revisionists. Moreover, these ideas were preparing the ground for Soviet planning. Russian scholars additionally knew that this period was the time of introduction of marginalism in Russia, and that, during this period, economists were active in thinking the relation of ethics with economic theory. All these issues are well covered in the existing literature. But there is a big gap that this dissertation intends to fill. The existing literature handles these pieces separately, although they are part of a single, more general, history. All these issues (the labour theory of value, marginalism, the Marxian transformation problem, planning, ethics, mathematical economics) were part of what this dissertation calls here "The Russian synthesis". The Russian synthesis (in the singular) designates here all the attempts at synthesis between classical political economy and marginalism, between labour theory of value and marginal utility, and between value and prices that occurred in Russian economic thought between 1890 and 1920, and that embraces the whole set of issues evoked above. This dissertation has the ambition of being the first comprehensive history of that Russian synthesis. In this, this contribution is unique. It has always surprised the author of the present dissertation that such a book has not yet been written. Several good reasons, both in terms of scarce availability of sources and of ideological restrictions, may accounted for a reasonable delay of several decades. But it is now urgent to remedy the situation before the protagonists of the Russian synthesis are definitely classified under the wrong labels in the pantheon of economic thought. To accomplish this task, it has seldom be sufficient to gather together the various existing studies on aspects of this story. It as been necessary to return to the primary sources in the Russian language. The most important part of the primary literature has never been translated, and in the last years only some of them have been republished in Russian. Therefore, most translations from the Russian have been made by the author of the present dissertation. The secondary literature has been surveyed in the languages that are familiar (Russian, English and French) or almost familiar (German) to the present author, and which are hopefully the most pertinent to the present investigation. Besides, and in order to increase the acquaintance with the text, which was the objective of all this, some archival sources were used. The analysis consists of careful chronological studies of the authors' writings and their evolution in their historical and intellectual context. As a consequence, the dissertation brings new authors to the foreground - Shaposhnikov and Yurovsky - who were traditionally confined to the substitutes' bench, because they only superficially touched the domains quoted above. In the Russian synthesis however, they played an important part of the story. As a side effect, some authors that used to play in the foreground - Dmitriev and Bortkiewicz - are relegated to the background, but are not forgotten. Besides, the dissertation refreshes the views on authors already known, such as Ziber and, especially, Tugan-Baranovsky. The ultimate objective of this dissertation is to change the opinion that one could have on "value and prices in Russian economic thought", by setting the Russian synthesis at the centre of the debates.