53 resultados para Administrative and political division

em Université de Lausanne, Switzerland


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Previous studies have demonstrated that the extent to which media coverage influences the issue priorities of policy makers is contingent on the type of issue, media, and political agenda. This article contends that the relationship between media and political agendas varies across the phases of the decision-making process. Based on a comprehensive dataset on issue attention in media coverage and various policy-making channels covering the years 1996-2003, the article analyses the level of media coverage and, more importantly, the distribution and correspondence of issue attention between media and political agendas across the four successive phases of the decision-making process (initiation, preparatory, parliamentary, and referendum phases) in Switzerland. Despite inversely distributed levels of attention for successive decision-making phases, both media and political agendas are concentrated on fewer issues in the initiation and referendum phases, and they are more strongly correlated in the most decisive stages of the process, that is, the preparatory and referendum phases.

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Participation research has documented the effect of partner and parenthood status, thereby ignoring the dynamic aspect of status changes. Based on theoretical insights on changes in political resources and interest, this study looks at partnership and parenthood as dynamic characteristics. Using data from the Swiss Household Panel (SHP), it examines to what extent important life-cycle transitions in partnership and parental status influence various forms of political and civic participation and whether they affect men and women's participation differently. Our regression analyses reveal that particularly the entry into separation or divorce is a main key point driving change in political and civic participation. Its effect is also highly gendered. Following separation, women participate less in voting, whereas men's participation rates are not affected in a negative way. Separation even increases men's level of anticipated activism. Children entering or leaving the household do not seem to represent key points of change in political and civic participation of the couple. Yet, the transition to having school-aged children significantly increases some types of participation, at least for women.

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Where and when cells divide are fundamental questions. In rod-shaped fission yeast cells, the DYRK-family kinase Pom1 is organized in concentration gradients from cell poles and controls cell division timing and positioning. Pom1 gradients restrict to mid-cell the SAD-like kinase Cdr2, which recruits Mid1/Anillin for medial division. Pom1 also delays mitotic commitment through Cdr2, which inhibits Wee1. Here, we describe quantitatively the distributions of cortical Pom1 and Cdr2. These reveal low profile overlap contrasting with previous whole-cell measurements and Cdr2 levels increase with cell elongation, raising the possibility that Pom1 regulates mitotic commitment by controlling Cdr2 medial levels. However, we show that distinct thresholds of Pom1 activity define the timing and positioning of division. Three conditions-a separation-of-function Pom1 allele, partial downregulation of Pom1 activity, and haploinsufficiency in diploid cells-yield cells that divide early, similar to pom1 deletion, but medially, like wild-type cells. In these cells, Cdr2 is localized correctly at mid-cell. Further, Cdr2 overexpression promotes precocious mitosis only in absence of Pom1. Thus, Pom1 inhibits Cdr2 for mitotic commitment independently of regulating its localization or cortical levels. Indeed, we show Pom1 restricts Cdr2 activity through phosphorylation of a C-terminal self-inhibitory tail. In summary, our results demonstrate that distinct levels in Pom1 gradients delineate a medial Cdr2 domain, for cell division placement, and control its activity, for mitotic commitment.

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In my paper I will present some results about ritual kinship and political mobilization of popular groups in an alpine Valley: the Val de Bagnes, in the Swiss canton of Valais. There are two major reasons to choose the Val de Bagnes for our inquiry about social networks: the existence of sharp political and social conflicts during the 18th and the 19th century and the availability of almost systematic genealogical data between 1700 and 1900. The starting point of my research focuses on this question: what role did kinship and ritual kinship play in the political mobilization of popular groups and in the organization of competing factions? This question allows us to shed light on some other uses and meanings of ritual kinship in the local society. Was ritual kinship a significant instrument for economic cooperation? Or was it a channel for patronage or for privileged social contacts? The analysis highlights the importance of kinship and godparentage for the building of homogeneous social and political networks. If we consider transactions between individuals, the analysis of 19th century Val de Bagnes gives the impression of quite open networks. Men and women tried to diversify their relations in order to avoid strong dependency from powerful patrons. Nevertheless, when we consider the family networks, we can notice that most relations took place in a structured social space or a specific "milieu", were intense contacts enhanced trust, although political allegiances and social choices were not fully predictable on the basis of such preferential patterns. In a politically conflictual society, like 19th century Bagnes, ritual kinship interacted with kinship solidarities and ideological factors shaping dense social networks mostly based on a common political orientation. Such milieus sustained the building of political factions, which show surprising stability over time. In this sense, milieus are important factors to understand political and religious polarization in 19th century Switzerland.

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