212 resultados para "Protection tax"

em Université de Lausanne, Switzerland


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The contribution of secretory immunoglobulin A (SIgA) antibodies in the defense of mucosal epithelia plays an important role in preventing pathogen adhesion to host cells, therefore blocking dissemination and further infection. This mechanism, referred to as immune exclusion, represents the dominant mode of action of the antibody. However, SIgA antibodies combine multiple facets, which together confer properties extending from intracellular and serosal neutralization of antigens, activation of non-inflammatory pathways and homeostatic control of the endogenous microbiota. The sum of these features suggests that future opportunities for translational application from research-based knowledge to clinics include the mucosal delivery of bioactive antibodies capable of preserving immunoreactivity in the lung, gastrointestinal tract, the genito-urinary tract for the treatment of infections. This article covers topics dealing with the structure of SIgA, the dissection of its mode of action in epithelia lining different mucosal surfaces and its potential in immunotherapy against infectious pathogens.

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Job protection and cash benefits are key elements of parental leave (PL) systems. We study how these two policy instruments affect return-to-work and medium-run labour market outcomes of mothers of newborn children. Analysing a series of major PL policy changes in Austria, we find that longer cash benefits lead to a significant delay in return-to-work, particularly so in the period that is job-protected. Prolonged parental leave absence induced by these policy changes does not appear to hurt mothers' labour market outcomes in the medium run. We build a non-stationary model of job search after childbirth to isolate the role of the two policy instruments. The model matches return-to-work and return to same employer profiles under the various factual policy configurations. Counterfactual policy simulations indicate that a system that combines cash with protection dominates other systems in generating time for care immediately after birth while maintaining mothers' medium-run labour market attachment.

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STUDY OBJECTIVE: Prior research has identified five common genetic variants associated with narcolepsy with cataplexy in Caucasian patients. To replicate and/or extend these findings, we have tested HLA-DQB1, the previously identified 5 variants, and 10 other potential variants in a large European sample of narcolepsy with cataplexy subjects. DESIGN: Retrospective case-control study. SETTING: A recent study showed that over 76% of significant genome-wide association variants lie within DNase I hypersensitive sites (DHSs). From our previous GWAS, we identified 30 single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) with P < 10(-4) mapping to DHSs. Ten SNPs tagging these sites, HLADQB1, and all previously reported SNPs significantly associated with narcolepsy were tested for replication. PATIENTS AND PARTICIPANTS: For GWAS, 1,261 narcolepsy patients and 1,422 HLA-DQB1*06:02-matched controls were included. For HLA study, 1,218 patients and 3,541 controls were included. MEASUREMENTS AND RESULTS: None of the top variants within DHSs were replicated. Out of the five previously reported SNPs, only rs2858884 within the HLA region (P < 2x10(-9)) and rs1154155 within the TRA locus (P < 2x10(-8)) replicated. DQB1 typing confirmed that DQB1*06:02 confers an extraordinary risk (odds ratio 251). Four protective alleles (DQB1*06:03, odds ratio 0.17, DQB1*05:01, odds ratio 0.56, DQB1*06:09 odds ratio 0.21, DQB1*02 odds ratio 0.76) were also identified. CONCLUSION: An overwhelming portion of genetic risk for narcolepsy with cataplexy is found at DQB1 locus. Since DQB1*06:02 positive subjects are at 251-fold increase in risk for narcolepsy, and all recent cases of narcolepsy after H1N1 vaccination are positive for this allele, DQB1 genotyping may be relevant to public health policy.

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Issue addressed: Cutaneous melanoma is a significant health problem in New Zealand. Excessive sun exposure in early life increases subsequent risk. This study investigated parental opinions, understanding and practices concerning the sun protection of young children. The study aimed to identify areas where improvements in sun protection may be most needed. Methods: Parents were recruited through licensed childcare centres and kindergartens in Dunedin to take part in semi-structured focus groups. Feedback was obtained from participants in response to summary reports based on audiotapes. Results: Parents noted increased social acceptability of sun protective behaviours and child sunburn was now unacceptable. Past media campaigns were well recalled. The 'time to burn' used in media weather reports was easier to understand than the Ultra Violet Index (UVI), about which more information was wanted. Protective messages were expected to be straightforward, consistent and readily and regularly available. Local radio may provide the most timely, relevant information. There was a perceived lack of authoritative information about sunscreens and sunglasses and a shortage of acceptable protective clothing. Fuller information on sunscreen containers and greater use of UV Protection Factor (UPF) ratings for clothing and Eye Protection Factor (EPF) for sunglasses would assist. The use of shade and rescheduling of activities were scarcely mentioned. Conclusions: Parents were aware of the need for child sun protection but lacked confidence about how best to achieve this. Future health promotion programs should emphasise how optimal protection can be achieved more than why sun protection is needed. Programs should include a repertoire of strategies targeted towards individuals through the education of children and caregivers. They should also aim at achieving modifications in physical and social environments, including appropriate product design and promotion. So what?: The development of a balanced, comprehensive program with environmental components that reinforce protective behaviours has the potential to sustain sun protection among the largest number of children in the longer term.

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In vitro, Toll-like receptors (TLR)2, 4 and 9 as well as NOD-like receptor 2 critically determine macrophage responses to Mycobacterium tuberculosis (Mtb) infection. However, in low-dose experimental murine tuberculosis, single or multiple deficiencies in TLRs 2, 4, 9 or NOD2 have little, if any, impact on early mycobacterial growth containment, granuloma formation and survival. Here, we analyzed the relevance of NALP3, one component of the danger-signaling inflammasome, for (i) Mtb-induced cytokine secretion in vitro and in vivo, (ii) restriction of Mtb replication in infected organs and (iii) granuloma formation. In the absence of functional NALP3, there was no IL-1beta and IL-18 production in Mtb-infected dendritic cells and macrophages in vitro, whereas secretion of IL-1alpha, IL-12p40 and TNF remained unaffected. After three weeks of infection, NALP3-deficient as well as IL-18-deficient mice were as capable as wildtype mice of restricting Mtb loads at a plateau level within well-differentiated granulomas. In conclusion, despite its involvement in cytokine processing, NALP3 is not essential for induction of protective immunity to Mtb.

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We have previously demonstrated that the bZIP transcription factor CREB-2, also called ATF-4, trans-activates, in association with the viral protein Tax, the human T-cell leukemia virus type I (HTLV-I) promoter. In this study, we have examined whether CREB-2 acetylation affects transcriptional activation mediated by Tax. We present evidence that CREB-2 is acetylated in vitro and in vivo. CREB-2 is acetylated in two regions: the basic domain of the bZIP (from amino acid residue 270 to 300) and the short basic domain (from 342 to 351) located downstream from the bZIP. We also demonstrate that CREB-2 is acetylated by p300/CBP but not by p/CAF. Moreover, replacement of lysine by arginine in the basic domains decreases the trans-activating capacity of CREB-2. However, in the presence of Tax, the HTLV-I transcription remains fully activated by these CREB-2 mutants. Although we cannot totally exclude that the mutations could also affect CREB-2 structure and activity independent of acetylation, our results suggest that activation of the viral promoter in the presence of Tax is independent of the CREB-2 acetylation.

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Introduction In my thesis I argue that economic policy is all about economics and politics. Consequently, analysing and understanding economic policy ideally has at least two parts. The economics part, which is centered around the expected impact of a specific policy on the real economy both in terms of efficiency and equity. The insights of this part point into which direction the fine-tuning of economic policies should go. However, fine-tuning of economic policies will be most likely subject to political constraints. That is why, in the politics part, a much better understanding can be gained by taking into account how the incentives of politicians and special interest groups as well as the role played by different institutional features affect the formation of economic policies. The first part and chapter of my thesis concentrates on the efficiency-related impact of economic policies: how does corporate income taxation in general, and corporate income tax progressivity in specific, affect the creation of new firms? Reduced progressivity and flat-rate taxes are in vogue. By 2009, 22 countries are operating flat-rate income tax systems, as do 7 US states and 14 Swiss cantons (for corporate income only). Tax reform proposals in the spirit of the "flat tax" model typically aim to reduce three parameters: the average tax burden, the progressivity of the tax schedule, and the complexity of the tax code. In joint work, Marius Brülhart and I explore the implications of changes in these three parameters on entrepreneurial activity, measured by counts of firm births in a panel of Swiss municipalities. Our results show that lower average tax rates and reduced complexity of the tax code promote firm births. Controlling for these effects, reduced progressivity inhibits firm births. Our reading of these results is that tax progressivity has an insurance effect that facilitates entrepreneurial risk taking. The positive effects of lower tax levels and reduced complexity are estimated to be significantly stronger than the negative effect of reduced progressivity. To the extent that firm births reflect desirable entrepreneurial dynamism, it is not the flattening of tax schedules that is key to successful tax reforms, but the lowering of average tax burdens and the simplification of tax codes. Flatness per se is of secondary importance and even appears to be detrimental to firm births. The second part of my thesis, which corresponds to the second and third chapter, concentrates on how economic policies are formed. By the nature of the analysis, these two chapters draw on a broader literature than the first chapter. Both economists and political scientists have done extensive research on how economic policies are formed. Thereby, researchers in both disciplines have recognised the importance of special interest groups trying to influence policy-making through various channels. In general, economists base their analysis on a formal and microeconomically founded approach, while abstracting from institutional details. In contrast, political scientists' frameworks are generally richer in terms of institutional features but lack the theoretical rigour of economists' approaches. I start from the economist's point of view. However, I try to borrow as much as possible from the findings of political science to gain a better understanding of how economic policies are formed in reality. In the second chapter, I take a theoretical approach and focus on the institutional policy framework to explore how interactions between different political institutions affect the outcome of trade policy in presence of special interest groups' lobbying. Standard political economy theory treats the government as a single institutional actor which sets tariffs by trading off social welfare against contributions from special interest groups seeking industry-specific protection from imports. However, these models lack important (institutional) features of reality. That is why, in my model, I split up the government into a legislative and executive branch which can both be lobbied by special interest groups. Furthermore, the legislative has the option to delegate its trade policy authority to the executive. I allow the executive to compensate the legislative in exchange for delegation. Despite ample anecdotal evidence, bargaining over delegation of trade policy authority has not yet been formally modelled in the literature. I show that delegation has an impact on policy formation in that it leads to lower equilibrium tariffs compared to a standard model without delegation. I also show that delegation will only take place if the lobby is not strong enough to prevent it. Furthermore, the option to delegate increases the bargaining power of the legislative at the expense of the lobbies. Therefore, the findings of this model can shed a light on why the U.S. Congress often practices delegation to the executive. In the final chapter of my thesis, my coauthor, Antonio Fidalgo, and I take a narrower approach and focus on the individual politician level of policy-making to explore how connections to private firms and networks within parliament affect individual politicians' decision-making. Theories in the spirit of the model of the second chapter show how campaign contributions from lobbies to politicians can influence economic policies. There exists an abundant empirical literature that analyses ties between firms and politicians based on campaign contributions. However, the evidence on the impact of campaign contributions is mixed, at best. In our paper, we analyse an alternative channel of influence in the shape of personal connections between politicians and firms through board membership. We identify a direct effect of board membership on individual politicians' voting behaviour and an indirect leverage effect when politicians with board connections influence non-connected peers. We assess the importance of these two effects using a vote in the Swiss parliament on a government bailout of the national airline, Swissair, in 2001, which serves as a natural experiment. We find that both the direct effect of connections to firms and the indirect leverage effect had a strong and positive impact on the probability that a politician supported the government bailout.