212 resultados para socio-political
Resumo:
Development and environmental issues of small cities in developing countries have largely been overlooked although these settlements are of global demographic importance and often face a "triple challenge"; that is, they have limited financial and human resources to address growing environmental problems that are related to both development (e.g., pollution) and under-development (e.g., inadequate water supply). Neoliberal policy has arguably aggravated this challenge as public investments in infrastructure generally declined while the focus shifted to the metropolitan "economic growth machines". This paper develops a conceptual framework and agenda for the study of small cities in the global south, their environmental dynamics, governance and politics in the current neoliberal context. While small cities are governed in a neoliberal policy context, they are not central to neoliberalism, and their (environmental) governance therefore seems to differ from that of global cities. Furthermore, "actually existing" neoliberal governance of small cities is shaped by the interplay of regional and local politics and environmental situations. The approach of urban political ecology and the concept of rural-urban linkages are used to consider these socio-ecological processes. The conceptual framework and research agenda are illustrated in the case of India, where the agency of small cities in regard to environmental governance seems to remain limited despite formal political decentralization.
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Background: The anti-TNFα agent Infliximab (IFX) is used for the treatment of moderate to severe inflammatory bowel disease (IBD) with insufficient response to conventional immunomodulator therapy. IFX maintenance therapy is expensive and it is unknown if indirect costs (eg. by loss of work productivity) can be reduced by this therapy. Goal: to evaluate the direct and indirect costs of an IBD patient cohort under maintenance IFX compared to a cohort under "conventional" immunomodulator therapy. Methods: Direct and indirect costs of an IBD cohort under IFX and a reference cohort (similar disease activity and location) under conventional immunomodulator therapy (Azathioprine, or 6-MP, or MTX) were retrospectively evaluated over 12 months (January to December 2008). Results: 54 IFX-patients (24f/30m, 37 CD, 10 UC, 7 IC) and 71 non-IFX-patients (38f/33m, 56 CD, 12 UC, 3 IC) were included. IFX patients were younger than non-IFX patients (36 vs. 47 years, P = 0.0003). The mean duration of inpatient stay in hospital (23 in IFX vs. 21 days for non-IFX, P = 0.909) and the hospitalization costs (7,692 in IFX vs. 4,179 SFr for non-IFX, P = 0.4540) did not differ. IFX-patients had significantly more frequently specialist outpatient consultations (8 vs. 4, P < 0.001) and outpatient-related costs (3,633 vs. 2,186 SFr, P <0.001). Total costs for all diagnostic procedures (blood work, endoscopies, radiology) were higher in the IFXcohort (2,265 vs. 1,164 SFr, P < 0.001). Sixty-five percent of IFX-patients had a 100% job employment compared to 80% in the non-IFX cohort (P = 0.001). Conclusions: The direct and indirect costs of maintenance IFX-treated IBD patients are higher compared to IBD patients under conventional immunomodulators. Care should be taken not only to judge the costs as the IFX treated population may represent a cohort with more aggressive disease phenotype, furthermore, quality of life aspects were not assessed.
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La contribution d'Yves Emery et Julien Niklaus étudie les effets du new managerialism dans le secteur social. Les nouveaux outils de pilotage ont profondément transformé les conditions cadres du travail social, de l'organisation des tâches ainsi que de l'action professionnelle. Les auteurs cherchent à savoir dans quelle mesure ces transformations influencent la motivation et la satisfaction au travail des travailleurs et travailleuses sociales. Ils comparent deux institutions présentant des degrés différents de managérialisation et constatent, avec surprise, une motivation supérieure dans les organisations davantage managérialisées, alors que la satisfaction au travail ne présente pas de différences.
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This dissertation analyses public opinion towards the welfare state across 29 European countries. Based on an interdisciplinary approach combining social psychological, sociological, and public opinion approaches to political opinion formation, it investigates how social position and shared beliefs shape perceived legitimacy of welfare institutions, and how social contexts impact on the processes of opinion formation. Drawing on social representations theory, as well as socialization and self-interest approaches, the dissertation analyses the role of social position in lay support for institutional solidarity. Normative beliefs-defined as preferred views regarding the organisation of social relations-mediate the effect of social position on welfare support. In addition, drawing on public opinion literature, the dissertation analyses opinion formation as a function of country-level structural (e.g., level of social spending, unemployment) and ideological factors (e.g., level of meritocracy). The dissertation comprises two theoretical and four empirical chapters. Three of the empirical chapters use data from the European Social Survey 2008. Using multilevel and typological approaches, the dissertation contributes to welfare attitude literature by showing that normative beliefs, such as distrust or egalitarianism, function as underlying mechanisms that link social position to policy attitudes (Chapter 3), and that characteristics of the national contexts influence the processes of political opinion formation (Chapters 3 and 4). Chapter 5 proposes and predicts a typology of the relationship between attitudes towards solidarity and attitudes towards control, reflecting the two central domains of government intervention. Finally, Chapter 6 examines welfare support in the realm of action and social protest, using data from a survey on Spanish Indigados activists. The findings of this dissertation inform contemporary debates about welfare state legitimacy and retrenchment. - Cette thèse avait pour but d'analyser l'opinion publique envers l'Etat social dans 29 pays européens. Basée sur une approche interdisciplinaire qui combine des perspectives psycho-sociales, sociologiques et d'opinion publique sur la formation d'opinion politique, la thèse étudie comment la position sociale et les croyances partagées façonnent la légitimité perçue des institutions de l'Etat social, et comment les contextes sociaux influencent les processus de formation d'opinion. Basée sur la théorie des représentations sociales, ainsi qu'une approche de socialisation et d'intérêt propre, cette thèse analyse le rôle des positions sociales dans le soutien envers la solidarité institutionnelle. Les croyances normatives-définies comme les visions préférées de l'organisation des rapports sociaux-médiatisent l'effet de la position sociale sur le soutien pour l'Etat social. De plus, s'inspirant de la littérature sur l'opinion publique, la thèse analyse la formation d'opinion en fonction des facteurs structurels (ex. le taux de dépenses sociales, le chômage) et idéologiques (ex. le degré de méritocratie). Cette thèse est composée de deux chapitres théoriques et quatre chapitres empiriques. Trois chapitres empiriques utilisent des données provenant de l'enquête European Social Survey 2008. Appliquant des approches multi-niveux et typoloqiques, la thèse contribue à la littérature sur les attitudes envers l'Etat social en montrant que les croyances normatives, telles que la méfiance ou l'égalitarisme, fonctionnent comme des mécanismes sous-jacents qui relient la position sociale aux attitudes politiques (Chapitre 3), et que les caractéristiques des contextes nationaux influencent les processus de formation d'opinion politique (Chapitres 3 et 4). Le chapitre 5 propose et prédit une typologie sur le rapport entre les attitudes envers la solidarité et celles envers le contrôle, renvoyant à deux domaines centraux de régulation étatique. Enfin, le chapitre 6 examine le soutien à l'Etat social dans le domaine de l'action protestataire, utilisant des données d'une enquête menée auprès des militants espagnols du mouvement des Indignés. Les résultats de cette thèse apportent des éléments qui éclairent les débats contemporains sur la légitimité de l'Etat social et son démantèlement.
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BackgroundIn Switzerland, socio-demographic and behavioural factors are associated with obesity, but no study ever assessed their impact on weight gain using prospective data.MethodsData from 4,469 participants (53.0% women), aged 35 to 75 years at baseline and followed for 5.5 years. Weight gain was considered as a rate (kg/year) or as gaining ¿5 kg during the study period.ResultsRate of weight gain was lower among participants who were older (mean¿±¿standard deviation: 0.46¿±¿0.92, 0.33¿±¿0.88, 0.21¿±¿0.86 and 0.06¿±¿0.74 kg/year in participants aged [35-45[, [45-55[, [55¿65[and [65+ years, respectively, P<0.001); physically active (0.27¿±¿0.82 vs. 0.35¿±¿0.95 kg/year for sedentary, P¿<¿0.005) or living in a couple (0.29¿±¿0.84 vs. 0.35¿±¿0.96 kg/year for living single, P¿<¿0.05), and higher among current smokers (0.41¿±¿0.97, 0.26¿±¿0.84 and 0.29±0.85 kg/year for current, former and never smokers, respectively, p<0.001). These findings were further confirmed by multivariable analysis. Multivariable logistic regression showed that receiving social help, being a current smoker or obese increased the likelihood of gaining ¿5Kg: Odds ratio (OR) and 95% confidence interval (CI) 1.43 (1.16-1.77); 1.63 (1.35-1.95) and 1.95 (1.57-2.43), respectively, while living in couple or being physically active decreased the risk: 0.73 (0.62-0.86) and 0.72 (0.62-0.83), respectively. No association was found between weight gain and gender, being born in Switzerland or education.ConclusionsIn Switzerland, financial difficulties (indicated by receiving social help) and current smoking were associated with increases in body weight over a 5 years follow-up. Living in couple, being older or physically active were protective against weight gain.
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Using an original investigative protocol and a data base of 4,127 national delegates from ten Moroccan political organizations, surveyed between 2008 and 2012, this article examines the characteristics of party members in Morocco. Initial results indicate that the field of Moroccan political parties is a small world dominated by city dwellers, mature men, and the most highly educated, wealthiest individuals. However, far from being isolated from ordinary citizens, there are social dynamics at work. While it cannot be reduced to a segmented clientele, it is, nonetheless, shaped by an ideal-typical opposition between parties of notables and parties of activists.
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In this article we propose a model to explain how voters' perceptions of their ideological proximity to a party affect their propensity to vote for that party. We argue that political knowledge plays a crucial moderating role in the relationship between party proximity and voting propensity. It is necessary, however, to distinguish between institutional knowledge (information about the political system) and party knowledge (information about the parties' left-right positions). An analysis of survey data from the 2007 Swiss federal elections supports our main hypothesis that party knowledge enhances the link between party proximity and voting propensity. Institutional knowledge may have additional influence, but clear evidence for this effect was obtained only for propensities to vote for the Swiss People's Party (SVP). Overall, the impact of political knowledge was found to be substantial, even after controlling for the outstanding influence of party identification and other predictors of voting propensities