144 resultados para power, politics


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INTRODUCTION: We examined the power spectral changes of the compound muscle action potential (M wave) evoked during isometric contractions of increasing strength. METHODS: Surface electromyography (sEMG) of the vastus lateralis and medialis was recorded from 20 volunteers who performed 4-s step-wise isometric contractions of different intensities. A maximal M wave was elicited by a single stimulus to the femoral nerve and superimposed on the voluntary contractions. The spectral characteristics (Fmean and Fmedian) of sEMG and M-wave signals were calculated. RESULTS: M-wave spectral indicators increased systematically with contraction intensity up to 60% MVC and then leveled off at higher forces. Over the 10-60% MVC range, the increase in spectral indicators was 3 times higher for M waves (36%) than for sEMG (12%). CONCLUSIONS: The consistent increase in M-wave spectral characteristics with force is due to the fact that the number of motor units recruited by the superimposed supramaximal stimulus is approximately stable.

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In newly formed groups, informal hierarchies emerge automatically and readily. In this study, we argue that emergent group hierarchies enhance group performance (Hypothesis 1) and we assume that the more the power hierarchy within a group corresponds to the task-competence differences of the individual group members, the better the group performs (Hypothesis 2). Twelve three-person groups and 28 four-person groups were investigated while solving the Winter Survival Task. Results show that emerging power hierarchies positively impact group performance but the alignment between task-competence and power hierarchy did not affect group performance. Thus, emergent power hierarchies are beneficial for group performance and although they were on average created around individual group members' competence, this correspondence was not a prerequisite for better group performance.

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Drawing on an analysis of austerity reforms in Greece and Portugal during the sovereign debt crisis from 2009 onwards, we show how the nature of the linkages between parties and citizens shapes party strategies of fiscal retrenchment. We argue that parties which rely to a greater extent on the selective distribution of state resources to mobilize electoral support (clientelistic linkages) are more reluctant to agree to fiscal retrenchment because their own electoral survival depends on their ability to control state budgets to reward clients. In Greece, where parties relied extensively on these clientelistic linkages, austerity reforms have been characterized by recurring conflicts and disagreements between the main parties, as well as a fundamental transformation of the party system. By contrast, in Portugal, where parties relied less on clientelistic strategies, austerity reforms have been more consensual because fiscal retrenchment challenged to a lesser extent the electoral base of the mainstream parties.

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This article assesses whether changes in government choice for policy concertation with trade unions and employers are better explained by international or domestic factors. We compare patterns of corporatist governance in a strongly Europeanized policy domain (labor migration policy) and in a weakly Europeanized policy domain (welfare state reforms) over the last 20 years in Austria and Switzerland. We show that there is no systematic difference in patterns of concertation between the two policy sectors and that factors linked to party politics play a bigger role in the choice of governments for concertation. If the base of party support for policies is divided, governments are more prone to resort to corporatist concertation as a way to build compromises for potentially controversial or unpopular policies. By contrast, ideologically cohesive majority coalitions are less prone to resort to concertation because they do not need to build compromises outside their base of party support.

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Cette thèse appréhende les rapports au politique des artistes visuels yéménites dans un contexte de domination, recouvrant trois États (les deux républiques qui précédent l'unification du Yémen et la république actuelle créée en 1990, jusqu'en 2015). En étudiant la domination en acte à travers une démarche ethnographique, ce travail interroge les conditions de production et d'action des artistes en soutien ou en contestation au régime, comme au cours du moment révolutionnaire de 2011. On observe ainsi le processus de politisation des mondes de l'art au Yémen contemporain, processus compris en tant qu'acquisition d'une signification politique par la pratique artistique et par les réseaux de relations entretenus par les artistes visuels. Ces requalifications de leur travail ou de leurs actions se font dans un contexte traversé par des luttes concurrentielles pour la répartition du pouvoir, aussi bien internes et propres à leurs mondes d'activité, qu'externes et en relation à l'espace politique institutionnel. La politisation des mondes de l'art apparaît dès lors moins comme un instrument d'accès à cet espace qu'une voie pour accéder à plus de visibilité, à la reconnaissance, et à un meilleur positionnement dans les rapports agonistiques qui configurent ces mondes. -- This thesis focuses on the study of Yemeni visual artists' relation to politics in a context of domination, covering three States (the two republics that precede Yemen's unification and the current republic established in 1990, until 2015). Studying domination in action througli an ethnographic approach, this work questions artists' conditions of production and of action in support to or in contestation of the regime- as in the case of the revolutionary period of 2011. It observes the politicization of art worlds in contemporary Yemen, a process understood as the acquisition of a political significance as observed in the artistic practice and in the dynamic networks that artists maintain. The requalification and reclassification of their work and their actions that results from the politicization of art worlds, takes place in a context of competitive struggles over distribution and access to sites of power. Such conflict over power occurs within their own worlds of activity as well as outside them and in relation to the domain of institutional politics. This thesis contends that the politicization of art worlds is more of a means to access visibility and recognition than a resource to participate in the political field. Through the politicization of art, artists are able to better position themselves within the agonistic relations that exist within art worlds.

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