134 resultados para Collective organic intellectual


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Cette thèse étudie l'engagement des intellectuels de gauche dans la vie politique suisse, de 1945 à 1968. D'une part, il s'agit de retracer l'évolution du statut des intellectuels, que ce soit dans ou hors des partis. D'autre part, il est question d'analyser les débats politiques au sein desquels ces intellectuels furent impliqués, et la manière dont ces débats suscitèrent des clivages entre eux. De ce point de vue, nous mettons en lumière les différents courants et groupes formés par les intellectuels progressistes, souvent structurés autour de revues ; il s'agit aussi bien d'étudier l'engagement de personnalités sociales-démocrates que des communistes prosoviétiques, sans oublier les chrétiens pacifistes ou les intellectuels proches de la gauche radicale antistalinienne. S'agissant de l'évolution du statut des acteurs étudiés, ce travail souligne le déclin de la figure de l'intellectuel de gauche organiquement lié à son parti, souvent issu du milieu ouvrier, au profit d'intellectuels critiques, généralement au bénéfice d'une formation académique et revendiquant une certaine autonomie par rapport aux organisations politiques. Du point de vue des débats politiques, l'engagement des intellectuels de gauche est envisagé à la lumière de trois périodes. Tout d'abord, nous étudions la phase de l'immédiat après-guerre (1945-1949), marquée par une poussée de la gauche, y compris prosoviétique, qui met en cause le conservatisme politique issu des années de Mobilisation. Nous étudions ensuite les années les plus tendues de la guerre froide, entre 1950 et 1962, durant lesquelles la vie politique et intellectuelle en Suisse est dominée par un fort anticommunisme, auquel se rallient les dirigeants du Parti socialiste. Pourtant, l'engagement de certains intellectuels progressistes, en particulier dans le mouvement pacifiste, met en cause le consensus politique de guerre froide. Enfin, dans une troisième partie, nous montrons comment la critique intellectuelle de gauche se renforce après 1962, à la faveur de la détente Est-Ouest sur le plan international, et avec l'essor, en Suisse même, du mouvement des « non- conformistes ». Ce mouvement est animé par des intellectuels qui dénoncent le conservatisme helvétique, les excès de l'anticommunisme ou qui affirment leur solidarité avec les travailleurs immigrés en Suisse, aussi bien qu'avec les mouvements sociaux dans les pays du tiers-monde. Nous montrons en particulier comment l'engagement de ces intellectuels progressistes contribue à préparer le terrain pour les mobilisations de la jeunesse qui surviendront dans les « années 1968 ». -- This thesis adresses the political commitment of left-wing intellectuals in Switzerland between 1945 and 1968. It aims, on the one hand, to examine how the status of intellectuals developed within and outside of political parties. On the other hand, it endeavours to understand the political debates that involved and sometimes split these intellectuals. In this intent, we examine the various political orientations and formations that brought left-wing intellectuals together - often around dedicated periodicals - such as the Social-democratic, the Communist, the Christian Progressist or the anti-Stalinist Marxist movements. Regarding the evolving status of left-wing opinion leaders, we observe the decline of the organic, party-affiliated intellectuals - often from a working class background. By contrast, critical academics - left-wing oriented but.not directly linked to a political formation - became prevailing figures. Concerning left-wing intellectuals' involvement in the political debate, we differentiate three historical periods. Firstly, the immediate postwar years (1945-1949) were characterised by the strengthening of a left-wing faction, including pro-Soviet forces, which criticized the conservative political consensus built up during the War. Secondly, during the most tense years of the Cold War (1950-1962), the Swiss political and intellectual life became widely dominated by a strong anticommunism, supported by the Social-Democratic leaders. Still, the commitment of certain progressist intellectuals, particularly in the pacifist movement, called into question the political consensus resulting from the Cold War. This questioning strengthened after 1962, in the context of the Détente, corresponding to the rise of the "non-conformist" movement. This movement stemmed from progressist intellectuals, who criticized the Swiss conservatism, and the excesses of official anticommunism, while declaring their solidarity with immigrant workers or with the social movements in the Third World. We show in particular how these intellectuals paved the way for the youth mobilization due to occur in the "1968 years".

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The impact of transnational private regulation on labour standards remains in dispute. While studies have provided some limited evidence of positive effects on 'outcome standards' such as wages or occupational health and safety, the literature gives little reason to believe that there has been any significant effect on 'process rights' relating primarily to collective workers' voice and social dialogue. This paper probes this assumption by bringing local contexts and worker agency more fully into the picture. It outlines an analytical framework that emphasizes workers' potential to act collectively for change in the regulatory space surrounding the employment relationship. It argues that while transnational private regulation on labour standards may marginally improve workers access to regulatory spaces and their capacity to require the inclusion of enterprises in them, it does little to increase union leverage. The findings are based on empirical research work conducted in Sub-Saharan Africa.

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INTRODUCTION: Occupational exposure to grain dust causes respiratory symptoms and pathologies. To decrease these effects, major changes have occurred in the grain processing industry in the last twenty years. However, there are no data on the effects of these changes on workers' respiratory health. OBJECTIVES: The aim of this study was to evaluate the respiratory health of grain workers and farmers involved in different steps of the processing industry of wheat, the most frequently used cereal in Europe, fifteen years after major improvements in collective protective equipment due to mechanisation. MATERIALS AND METHOD: Information on estimated personal exposure to wheat dust was collected from 87 workers exposed to wheat dust and from 62 controls. Lung function (FEV1, FVC, and PEF), exhaled nitrogen monoxide (FENO) and respiratory symptoms were assessed after the period of highest exposure to wheat during the year. Linear regression models were used to explore the associations between exposure indices and respiratory effects. RESULTS: Acute symptoms - cough, sneezing, runny nose, scratchy throat - were significantly more frequent in exposed workers than in controls. Increased mean exposure level, increased cumulative exposure and chronic exposure to more than 6 mg.m (-3) of inhaled wheat dust were significantly associated with decreased spirometric parameters, including FEV1 and PEF (40 ml and 123 ml.s (-1) ), FEV1 and FVC (0.4 ml and 0.5 ml per 100 h.mg.m (-3) ), FEV1 and FVC (20 ml and 20 ml per 100 h at >6 mg.m (-3) ). However, no increase in FENO was associated with increased exposure indices. CONCLUSIONS: The lung functions of wheat-related workers are still affected by their cumulative exposure to wheat dust, despite improvements in the use of collective protective equipment.

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Cette étude pilote cherche à tester la faisabilité de l'entraînement à la cohérence cardiaque avec des personnes atteintes d'un retard intellectuel dans le cadre d'un atelier protégé. Un entraînement à la cohérence cardiaque est proposé aux participants volontaires pour une durée de deux semaines à la prise de travail, matin et après-midi. Une appréciation des effets de ces exercices respiratoires est effectuée avant et après entraînement par la mesure d'indices de variabilité cardiaque et une évaluation de la perception du stress professionnel. La comparaison des valeurs récoltées pré et post-entraînement révèle une amélioration significative dans l'activation de la branche parasympathique. L'évaluation des valeurs du RMSSD sont inversement corrélées à l'évaluation des participants de leurs stress perçu. Ensemble, nos résultats indiquent que la population atteinte de retard intellectuel est réceptive à l'apprentissage de la cohérence cardiaque et que la baisse de leur stress est liée à une hausse de l'activité inhibitrice parasympathique, plutôt qu'à une diminution de l'activité excitatrice sympathique. Les considérations offertes par cette étude exploratoire doivent être étayées, mais permettent d'ores et déjà d'ouvrir de nouvelles perspectives dans la prise en charge de populations pour lesquelles la gestion du stress est mal adaptée.

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Oxalate is a highly insoluble metabolic waste excreted by the kidneys. Disturbances of oxalate metabolism are encountered in enteric hyperoxaluria (secondary to malabsorption, gastric bypass or in case of insufficient Oxalobacter colonization), in hereditary hyperoxaluria and in intoxication (ethylene glycol, vitamin C). Hyperoxaluria causes a large spectrum of diseases, from isolated hyperoxaluria to kidney stones and nephrocalcinosis formation, eventually leading to kidney failure and systemic oxalosis with life-threatening deposits in vital organs. New causes of hyperoxaluria are arising recently, in particular after gastric bypass surgery, which requires regular and preemptive monitoring. The treatment of hyperoxaluria involves reduction in oxalate intake and increase in calcium intake. Optimal urine dilution and supplementation with inhibitors of kidney stone formation (citrate) are required. Some conditions may need vitamin B6 supplementation, and the addition of probiotics might be useful in the future. Primary care physicians should identify cases of recurrent calcium oxalate stones and severe hyperoxaluria. Further management of hyperoxaluria requires specialized care.

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Around 1900, the notion of community art (gemeenschapskunst) served to crystallize Dutch social democratic thinking about the role of the arts in society. Drawing on the pragmatism of leading social democrats like Wibaut, and drawing on his formal education in economics and statistics, the self‐made social democrat Emanuel Boekman redressed the utopian meaning of community art to signify the dissemination of "good" culture over all layers of society in his influential 1939 dissertation on the relation of the state to the arts. Being about facts rather than opinions, Boekman set the boundaries of his work to exclude a substantial discussion of the meaning of "good" culture. On the one hand, this pragmatism helped Boekman to gain support for government intervention for the arts over most of the political spectrum. On the other hand, Boekman thus pre‐empted discussions about the tension between "quality" and "accessibility" of the arts that haunts cultural policy in the Netherlands to this day.

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This paper asks whether collective industrial relations can be promoted by means other than seeking change in public policy. Recent research points to the increasing significance of transnational private regulation (TPR) in developing economies. There is an emerging consensus that market incentives to improve wages and conditions of work can have a modest positive effect on measurable outcomes like hours of work, and health and safety. However, it appears that TPR has little impact on the capacity of workers to pursue such improvements for themselves via collective action. The paper takes a closer look at the potential of TPR to enhance worker voice and participation. It argues that this potential cannot be properly evaluated without understanding how local actors mobilise the social and political resources that TPR provides. The case studies presented show how different TPR schemes have been used by unions in Africa as a means to pursue the interests of members. The authors found that the scale of the impact of TPR in all of the contexts studied depended almost entirely on the existing capacities and resources of the unions involved. TPR led to the creation of collective industrial relations processes, or helped unions to ensure that certain enterprises participated in existing industrial relations processes, but did virtually nothing to enhance the political and organisational capacity of the unions to influence the outcomes of those processes in terms of wages and conditions of employment. The paper concludes that the potential of TPR to promote the emergence of collective industrial relations systems is very low.

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This study aimed at comparing the efficiency of various sampling materials for the collection and subsequent analysis of organic gunshot residues (OGSR). To the best of our knowledge, it is the first time that sampling devices were investigated in detail for further quantitation of OGSR by LC-MS. Seven sampling materials, namely two "swab"-type and five "stub"-type collection materials, were tested. The investigation started with the development of a simple and robust LC-MS method able to separate and quantify molecules typically found in gunpowders, such as diphenylamine or ethylcentralite. The evaluation of sampling materials was then systematically carried out by first analysing blank extracts of the materials to check for potential interferences and determining matrix effects. Based on these results, the best four materials, namely cotton buds, polyester swabs, a tape from 3M and PTFE were compared in terms of collection efficiency during shooting experiments using a set of 9 mm Luger ammunition. It was found that the tape was capable of recovering the highest amounts of OGSR. As tape-lifting is the technique currently used in routine for inorganic GSR, OGSR analysis might be implemented without modifying IGSR sampling and analysis procedure.