118 resultados para Urban economics.


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Problems related to fire hazard and fire management have become in recent decades one of the most relevant issues in the Wildland-Urban Interface (WUI), that is the area where human infrastructures meet or intermingle with natural vegetation. In this paper we develop a robust geospatial method for defining and mapping the WUI in the Alpine environment, where most interactions between infrastructures and wildland vegetation concern the fire ignition through human activities, whereas no significant threats exist for infrastructures due to contact with burning vegetation. We used the three Alpine Swiss cantons of Ticino, Valais and Grisons as the study area. The features representing anthropogenic infrastructures (urban or infrastructural components of the WUI) as well as forest cover related features (wildland component of the WUI) were selected from the Swiss Topographic Landscape Model (TLM3D). Georeferenced forest fire occurrences derived from the WSL Swissfire database were used to define suitable WUI interface distances. The Random Forest algorithm was applied to estimate the importance of predictor variables to fire ignition occurrence. This revealed that buildings and drivable roads are the most relevant anthropogenic components with respect to fire ignition. We consequently defined the combination of drivable roads and easily accessible (i.e. 100 m from the next drivable road) buildings as the WUI-relevant infrastructural component. For the definition of the interface (buffer) distance between WUI infrastructural and wildland components, we computed the empirical cumulative distribution functions (ECDF) of the percentage of ignition points (observed and simulated) arising at increasing distances from the selected infrastructures. The ECDF facilitates the calculation of both the distance at which a given percentage of ignition points occurred and, in turn, the amount of forest area covered at a given distance. Finally, we developed a GIS ModelBuilder routine to map the WUI for the selected buffer distance. The approach was found to be reproducible, robust (based on statistical analyses for evaluating parameters) and flexible (buffer distances depending on the targeted final area covered) so that fire managers may use it to detect WUI according to their specific priorities.

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OBJECTIVE: Body mass index (BMI) may cluster in space among adults and be spatially dependent. Whether and how BMI clusters evolve over time in a population is currently unknown. We aimed to determine the spatial dependence of BMI and its 5-year evolution in a Swiss general adult urban population, taking into account the neighbourhood-level and individual-level characteristics. DESIGN: Cohort study. SETTING: Swiss general urban population. PARTICIPANTS: 6481 georeferenced individuals from the CoLaus cohort at baseline (age range 35-74 years, period=2003-2006) and 4460 at follow-up (period=2009-2012). OUTCOME MEASURES: Body weight and height were measured by trained healthcare professionals with participants standing without shoes in light indoor clothing. BMI was calculated as weight (kg) divided by height squared (m(2)). Participants were geocoded using their postal address (geographic coordinates of the place of residence). Getis-Ord Gi statistic was used to measure the spatial dependence of BMI values at baseline and its evolution at follow-up. RESULTS: BMI was not randomly distributed across the city. At baseline and at follow-up, significant clusters of high versus low BMIs were identified and remained stable during the two periods. These clusters were meaningfully attenuated after adjustment for neighbourhood-level income but not individual-level characteristics. Similar results were observed among participants who showed a significant weight gain. CONCLUSIONS: To the best of our knowledge, this is the first study to report longitudinal changes in BMI clusters in adults from a general population. Spatial clusters of high BMI persisted over a 5-year period and were mainly influenced by neighbourhood-level income.

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This book is the transcript of a witness seminar on the history of experimental economics, in which eleven high-profile experimental economists participated, including Nobel Laureates Vernon Smith, Reinhard Selten and Alvin Roth. The witness seminar was constructed along four different topics: skills, community, laboratory, and funding. The transcript is preceded by an introduction explaining the method of the witness seminar and its specific set-up and resuming its results. The participants' contribution and their lively discussion provide a wealth of insights into the emergence of experimental economics as a field of research.

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Two themes are generative for revealing and understanding the history of observation in economics. First, we argue for the importance of noting that observation is an activity as well as a result, and second that observation is no more identical with quantification than observing is with measuring. These two themes enable us to discuss different historical dimensions of the ways in which economists have observed their economies and so enlarge our understanding of their observational practices. These problematics especially help in delineating the intricate, multilayered, and active interactions between the observer and the observed that take place in all social science observation, and from which our pictures of the economic world emerge.

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The introduction of time-series graphs into British economics in the 19th century depended on the « timing » of history. This involved reconceptualizing history into events which were both comparable and measurable and standardized by time unit. Yet classical economists in Britain in the early 19th century viewed history as a set of heterogenous and complex events and statistical tables as giving unrelated facts. Both these attitudes had to be broken down before time-series graphs could be brought into use for revealing regularities in economic events by the century's end.

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This study examined the impact of social support and of temporal and social comparisons on well-being and selfreported health in four capital cities: Paris, Berlin, Moscow and Beijing. Based on the lifespan control theory, an integrative model investigating the influence of these coping strategies, especially on the psychological regulation of health losses, was tested on 1141 respondents aged 45 to 70 years by using structural equation modelling with multigroup comparisons. Results indicated a good fit of the model to participants' responses. In all contexts, physical weaknesses favoured the use of social and temporal comparison strategies rather than social support. Moreover, across the cities, coping strategies were oriented more toward protecting self-evaluation of health than toward enhancement of well-being. Social comparison decreased the impact of physical weaknesses on health evaluation and on well-being in the four cities, but to a lesser extent in China. Results are discussed regarding the normative cross-cultural aspects that intervene during ageing in the four urban contexts.

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How do processes of power shape the urban environment in small Indian cities? On a day-to-day basis, who actually controls access to and the use of environmental resources? How is this done? Answering these questions contributes to our ability to develop a nuanced understanding the urban condition. In order to investigate these questions an actor-oriented approach is developed, drawing on the anthropological literatures on everyday governance and the everyday state. This conceptual framework informs an urban political ecology approach oriented towards everyday practices and the micro-politics of the (re)production of urban socio-natures. This thesis employs a mixed methods approach to qualitative research. Three cases are presented to explore: para (neighbourhood) clubs as governance actors, the governance of the urban pondscape, and the urban political ecology of solid waste management. These case studies serve to highlight how power shapes the (re)production of urban socio-natures through the everyday environmental governance practices of a complex network of governance actors. This work further demonstrates how multiple intersectionalities, including class, caste and access to political and social authority, shape these practices and their outcomes. Finally, the manner in which balances of power, place making and the formation of subject positions may both result from and shape everyday environmental governance practices and their outcomes is explored. This empirical investigation makes a number of contributions to the literature. It has explores the hereto-understudied topics of environmental governance in small cities in India, the urban political ecologies of non-piped water and of solid waste, and the role of clubs as governance actors. It further contributes to conversations within the literature on how to deepen and broaden Urban Political Ecology by engaging with everyday practices, and cases of ordinary, not-openly contested socio-natures. -- Comment les processus de pouvoir influencent-ils l'environnement urbain dans les petites villes indiennes ? Au quotidien, qui contrôle l'accès et l'utilisation des ressources environnementales ? Comment ce contrôle s'exerce-t-il ? Répondre à ces questions contribue au développement d'une compréhension nuancée de la condition urbaine. Afin d'explorer ces questions une approche actor-oriented de la gouvernance quotidienne est développée, faisant appel aux littératures anthropologiques de la gouvernance quotidienne et de l'everyday state. Ce cadre conceptuel établit ainsi une approche d'Urban Political Ecology orientée vers les pratiques quotidiennes et la micro- politique de la (re) production des socio-natures urbaines. Cette thèse emploie des méthodes qualitatives mixtes. Trois cas sont présentés afin d'étudier : les clubs para (quartier) comme acteurs de la gouvernance; la gouvernance de la pondscape urbaine; et l'urban political ecology de la gestion des déchets solides. Ces études de cas permettent de mettre en lumière la façon dont le pouvoir influence la (re)production des socio-natures urbaines par le biais des pratiques quotidiennes de gouvernance environnementale d'un réseau complexe d'acteurs. Ce travail démontre également comment plusieurs intersectionnalités, y compris la classe, la caste et l'accès au pouvoir politique et social, façonnent ces pratiques de gouvernance et leurs produits. Finalement, cette recherche explore la manière dont les équilibres de pouvoir, la fabrication de lieux et la formation de la position du sujet peuvent à la fois résulter de et contribuer à façonner les pratiques quotidiennes de gouvernance environnementale et leurs produits. Cette investigation empirique fait ainsi plusieurs contributions à la littérature. Elle explore les questions jusque-là sous-étudiées de la gouvernance environnementale dans les petites villes en Inde, de l'urban political ecology de l'eau non courante et des déchets solides, ainsi que du rôle des clubs comme acteurs de la gouvernance. Celle-ci contribue également à des débats sur la façon d'approfondir et d'élargir l'urban political ecology en travaillant sur les pratiques quotidiennes, et sur des cas de socio-natures ordinaires, pas ouvertement contestées.

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Les conflits civils sont des événements dramatiques qui poussent les individus hors de leurs pays d'origine. Mais si l'émigration était elle-même une force pacificatrice? Dans les deux premiers chapitres, je me suis intéressée à l'impact de l'émigration sur l'incidence des conflits civils dans les pays d'origine. Tout d'abord, je construis un modèle théorique d'équilibre général, dans lequel le niveau de conflit d'équilibre est déterminé par la ratio de combattants dans l'économie. Dans ce modèle, l'émigration décourage les conflits en réduisant les gains d'une rébellion, tout en augmentant le coût d'opportunité des combats. La principale prédiction du modèle est que le conflit diminue avec le niveau du salaire étranger net des coûts de migration. Dans le deuxième chapitre, je teste cette prédiction empiriquement. En utilisant une variable instrumentale, je démontre que l'émigration vers les pays développés diminue l'incidence de guerres civiles dans les pays d'origine. Ces résultats prouvent qu'en ouvrant leurs frontières, les pays d'accueil pourraient contribuer à sauver des vies, aussi bien celles des migrants que celles des habitants restés dans leur pays. De plus, les conflits civils tendent à détruire des sociétés en traumatisant les personnes touchées, augmentant ainsi le risque des conflits futurs. Afin de mieux comprendre ce cercle vicieux et de pouvoir y remédier, le troisième chapitre détermine si les enfants ayant vécu la guerre ont une tendance à être plus violent que des co-nationaux nés après la guerre. L'analyse se concentre sur les demandeurs d'asile en Suisse : Cette population est intéressante puisque l'allocation des demandeurs d'asile entre cantons est aléatoire, ce qui prévient le choix d'un canton avec un taux de criminalité plus élevé. Les résultats démontrent un effet de traumatisme causé par la guerre augmentant ainsi le risque de criminalité dans la vie adulte. Cependant, l'analyse de politiques publiques montre que la mise en place de politiques judicieuses permet d'éviter les conséquences de l'exposition à la guerre. En particulier, en offrant aux nouveaux arrivants l'accès au marché de travail ainsi que des perspectives à long-terme, la Suisse peut éliminer complètement l'effet du traumatisme sur la criminalité.