Of housing and politics : mapping political opportunities for mobilising in Bangalore, India

Quelles sont les conditions pour l'émergence d'une mobilisation sociale en faveur du logement convenable dans la métropole de Bangalore (Inde)? Cette question, qui est au coeur de cette thèse, est particulièrement pertinente dans le contexte d'une ville où 1,7 million de personnes, soit un cinquième de la population, vit dans des bidonvilles. L'absence d'un mouvement mettant en cause l'échec des politiques publiques du logement est intéressante dans la mesure où l'Inde a hérité un système de gouvernance colonial et d'une tradition de mouvements sociaux. Pour répondre à ce questionnement, un cadre théorique issu de la littérature sur les mouvements sociaux est développé. Il s'articule autour des liens entre les opportunités politiques au niveau macro et les répertoires d'action des organisations de mouvement social (OMS) au niveau méso, de la tension entre la formalité de la loi et des politiques publiques et l'informalité des circuits d'échange, de la corruption et du clientélisme, et enfin, se focalise sur les systèmes de discours de caste et de la citoyenneté et de leur concrétisation dans des systèmes d'organisations et de réseaux sociaux. Ce cadre théorique permet d'étudier empiriquement la question à travers quatre OMS dans la ville de Bangalore. Les résultats mettent en avant l'existence de mécanismes complexes. Les opportunités politiques formelles n'étant ouvertes que sur le plan rhétorique, elles ne peuvent être véritablement utilisées que par des moyens légaux ou contentieux, ce qui nécessite des compétences sociales dont la plupart des habitants des bidonvilles sont dépourvus. L'inadéquation entre les ressources à disposition pour les logements sociaux et les besoins très importants des pauvres, donne un poids politique considérable aux acteurs en charge de l'attribution de ces ressources rares. Cet état de fait a des répercussions sur la politique électorale. Les habitants des bidonvilles représentant un poids électoral important, ils sont mobilisés à travers de pratiques clientélistes. La corruption et le clientélisme se nourrissent mutuellement pour maintenir une certaine dépendance des habitants. Les OMS qui développent un répertoire discursif remettant en cause le système de caste et qui encouragent une conscience citoyenne, se sont avérées les plus durables pour résister à la cooptation des forces politiques. Cette recherche empirique met en lumière l'inadéquation entre les prescriptions formelles dans le domaine de la gouvernance des besoins humains, tels que le logement, et les pratiques réelles sur le terrain. Cette recherche appelle à réfléchir au-delà de la diffusion du discours sur la « bonne gouvernance » vers des formes de « gouvernance vernaculaire » qui prendrait au sérieux l'informalité en développant une compréhension des avantages à court terme pour les personnes marginalisées dans la ville et les effets à long terme sur la pratique démocratique. - What are the conditions for the emergence of a social movement on the issue of adequate housing in the metropolitan city of Bangalore (India)? This question is at the heart of this dissertation and is particularly pertinent against the background that an estimated 1.7 million or about 20% of the city's population lives in slums. The absence of a movement addressing the failure of public housing policy despite India having inherited colonial systems of governance and traditions of movement is noteworthy. Answers are sought within a theoretical framework stemming from social movement theories that incorporates three linkages articulating around: Macro-level political opportunities and meso-level action repertoires of social movement organisations (SMOs), tensions between the formality of law, policy and the informality of exchange circuits of corruption and clientelism and finally around systems of discourses of caste and citizenship and their instantiation in concrete systems of social organisations and networks. This thesis is empirically investigated through a qualitative case study research design involving four sampled social movement organisations. The results bring complex mechanisms to the fore. Formal political opportunities are only rhetorically open and have to be cracked through legal weaponry or contentious escalation, which requires considerable social skills that slum-dwellers often lack. The inadequacy between the few housing resources and the vast number of slum-dwellers transform housing benefits and urban service provisions into political currency. Such a state of affairs has serious repercussions on conditions for mobilisation. They become imbricated with electoral logic, in which slum-dwellers represent large vote-banks and where corruption and clientelism feed each other to maintain a certain dependency of the poor. SMOs deploying a discursive repertoire that questioned the caste system and encouraged a pursuit of citizenship proved to be the most sustainable to resist co-option from political forces. This empirical investigation brings to light the mismatch between the formal prescriptions in the domain of the governance of basic human needs such as housing and the real practices on the ground. This research calls to reflect beyond the inadequacy of the diffused « good governance » discourse towards forms of « vernacular governance » that take informality seriously in understanding the short-term benefits for the marginalised in the city and the long-term effects on democratic practice.

Th2 lymphoproliferative disorder of LatY136F mutant mice unfolds independently of TCR-MHC engagement and is insensitive to the action of Foxp3+ regulatory T cells.

Mutant mice where tyrosine 136 of linker for activation of T cells (LAT) was replaced with a phenylalanine (Lat(Y136F) mice) develop a fast-onset lymphoproliferative disorder involving polyclonal CD4 T cells that produce massive amounts of Th2 cytokines and trigger severe inflammation and autoantibodies. We analyzed whether the Lat(Y136F) pathology constitutes a bona fide autoimmune disorder dependent on TCR specificity. Using adoptive transfer experiments, we demonstrated that the expansion and uncontrolled Th2-effector function of Lat(Y136F) CD4 cells are not triggered by an MHC class II-driven, autoreactive process. Using Foxp3EGFP reporter mice, we further showed that nonfunctional Foxp3(+) regulatory T cells are present in Lat(Y136F) mice and that pathogenic Lat(Y136F) CD4 T cells were capable of escaping the control of infused wild-type Foxp3(+) regulatory T cells. These results argue against a scenario where the Lat(Y136F) pathology is primarily due to a lack of functional Foxp3(+) regulatory T cells and suggest that a defect intrinsic to Lat(Y136F) CD4 T cells leads to a state of TCR-independent hyperactivity. This abnormal status confers Lat(Y136F) CD4 T cells with the ability to trigger the production of Abs and of autoantibodies in a TCR-independent, quasi-mitogenic fashion. Therefore, despite the presence of autoantibodies causative of severe systemic disease, the pathological conditions observed in Lat(Y136F) mice unfold in an Ag-independent manner and thus do not qualify as a genuine autoimmune disorder.

Does Direct Democracy Matters for Political Parties : An Empirical Test in the Swiss Cantons

According to most political scientists and commentators, direct democracy seems to weaken political parties. Our empirical analysis in the 26 Swiss cantons shows that this thesis in its general form cannot be maintained. Political parties in cantons with extensive use of referendums and initiatives are not in all respects weaker than parties in cantons with little use of direct democratic means of participation. On the contrary, direct democracy goes together with more professional and formalized party organizations. Use of direct democracy is associated with more fragmented and volatile party systems, and with greater support for small parties, but causal interpretations of these relationships are difficult.

Ly49D engagement on T lymphocytes induces TCR-independent activation and CD8 effector functions that control tumor growth.

Recent data showing expression of activating NK receptors (NKR) by conventional T lymphocytes raise the question of their role in the triggering of TCR-independent responses that could be damaging for the host. Transgenic mice expressing the activating receptor Ly49D/DAP12 offer the opportunity to better understand the relevance of ITAM signaling in the biology of T cells. In vitro experiments showed that Ly49D engagement on T lymphocytes by a cognate MHC class I ligand expressed by Chinese hamster ovary (CHO) cells or by specific Ab triggered cellular activation of both CD4 and CD8 populations with modulation of activation markers and cytokine production. The forced expression of the ITAM signaling chain DAP12 is mandatory for Ly49D-transgenic T cell activation. In addition, Ly49D stimulation induced T lymphocyte proliferation, which was much stronger for CD8 T cells. Phenotypic analysis of anti-Ly49D-stimulated CD8 T cells and their ability to produce high levels of IFN-gamma and to kill target cells indicate that Ly49D ligation generates effector cytotoxic CD8 T cells. Ly49D engagement by itself also triggered cytotoxic activity of activated CD8 T cells. Adoptive transfer experiments confirmed that Ly49D-transgenic CD8 T cells are able to control growth of CHO tumor cells or RMA cells transfected with Hm1-C4, the Ly49D ligand normally expressed by CHO. In conclusion, Ly49D engagement on T cells leads to T cell activation and to a full range of TCR-independent effector functions of CD8 T cells.