Modern cataract surgery for radiation-induced cataracts in retinoblastoma.

Background Surgery of radiation-induced cataracts in children with retinoblastoma (RB) is a challenge as early intervention is weighted against the need to delay surgery until complete tumour control is obtained. This study analyses the safety and functional results of such surgery. Methods In a retrospective, non-comparative, consecutive case series, we reviewed medical records of RB patients </=14 y of age who underwent either external beam radiotherapy or plaque treatment and were operated for radiation-induced cataract between 1985 and 2008. Results In total, 21 eyes of 20 RB patients were included and 18 out of the 21 eyes had Reese-Ellsworth stage V or ABC classification group D/E RB. Median interval between last treatment for RB and cataract surgery was 21.5 months, range 3-164 months. Phacoaspiration was performed in 13 eyes (61%), extra-capsular cataract extraction in 8 (39%) and intraocular lens implantation in 19 eyes (90%). The majority of cases, 11/21 (52%), underwent posterior capsulorhexis or capsulotomy and 6/21 (28%) an anterior vitrectomy. Postoperative visual acuity was >/=20/200 in 13 eyes and <20/200 in 5 eyes. Intraocular tumour recurrence was noted in three eyes. Mean postoperative follow up was 90 months+/-69 months. Conclusions Modern cataract surgery, including clear cornea approach, lens aspiration with posterior capsulotomy, anterior vitrectomy and IOL implantation is a safe procedure for radiation-induced cataract as long as RB is controlled. The visual prognosis is limited by initial tumour involvement of the macula and by corneal complications of radiotherapy. We recommend a minimal interval of 9 months between completion of treatment of retinoblastoma and cataract surgery.

Estimating the cost-effectiveness of modern screening mammography programmes

Context: The debate about the balance of risks and benefits of mammography screening has prompted a comprehensive review by an independent panel in the UK. However, the panel's remit did not cover the important economic dimension of breast cancer screening. Methods: The life histories of two cohort studies of 50-year-old women, who would be eligible within the National Health Service (NHS) breast screening programme (NHSBSP), were simulated over 35 years, using a life table approach. One cohort participant was offered screening at age 50 and triennially thereafter until age 70, assuming 75% attendance, while the other received no screening. Based on the findings from the panel's report, the cost-effectiveness of the NHSBSP was assessed for various scenarios of screening effect on breast cancer incidence (base case scenario: screening advances diagnosis by 5 years; 10% incidence reduction after screening stops).

The Impact of the Electoral System on Political Campaigning : Are Candidates for the Council of States More Moderate than their Fellow Candidates for the National Council ?

It is commonly believed that majority voting enhances parties to cluster around the centre of the political space, whereas proportional systems (PR) foster great ideological divergence. The theoretical arguments for these expectations go back to the work of Downs (1957) and Duverger (1954). More recent studies, however, produced quite contradictory empirical findings. In this paper I will test whether similar arguments hold true for the positioning of candidates campaigning in different electoral systems. The elections for the two chambers of the Swiss Parliament and the data from the Swiss Electoral Studies (SELECTS) and the Swiss Voting Advice Application (VAA) smartvote offer an excellent - almost laboratory like - opportunity to do so empirically. The analyses show clearly, the theoretical claims that majority voting necessarily fosters more moderate positions find no support. The candidates for the Council of States, elected in a majority system, are not more moderate than their fellow party candidates for the National Council which are elected in a PR system.

The Relationship between Media and Political Agendas : Variations across Decision-Making Phases

Previous studies have demonstrated that the extent to which media coverage influences the issue priorities of policy makers is contingent on the type of issue, media, and political agenda. This article contends that the relationship between media and political agendas varies across the phases of the decision-making process. Based on a comprehensive dataset on issue attention in media coverage and various policy-making channels covering the years 1996-2003, the article analyses the level of media coverage and, more importantly, the distribution and correspondence of issue attention between media and political agendas across the four successive phases of the decision-making process (initiation, preparatory, parliamentary, and referendum phases) in Switzerland. Despite inversely distributed levels of attention for successive decision-making phases, both media and political agendas are concentrated on fewer issues in the initiation and referendum phases, and they are more strongly correlated in the most decisive stages of the process, that is, the preparatory and referendum phases.

Incidence of HIV-1 drug resistance among antiretroviral treatment-naive individuals starting modern therapy combinations.

BACKGROUND: Estimates of drug resistance incidence to modern first-line combination antiretroviral therapies against human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) type 1 are complicated by limited availability of genotypic drug resistance tests (GRTs) and uncertain timing of resistance emergence. METHODS: Five first-line combinations were studied (all paired with lamivudine or emtricitabine): efavirenz (EFV) plus zidovudine (AZT) (n = 524); EFV plus tenofovir (TDF) (n = 615); lopinavir (LPV) plus AZT (n = 573); LPV plus TDF (n = 301); and ritonavir-boosted atazanavir (ATZ/r) plus TDF (n = 250). Virological treatment outcomes were classified into 3 risk strata for emergence of resistance, based on whether undetectable HIV RNA levels were maintained during therapy and, if not, whether viral loads were >500 copies/mL during treatment. Probabilities for presence of resistance mutations were estimated from GRTs (n = 2876) according to risk stratum and therapy received at time of testing. On the basis of these data, events of resistance emergence were imputed for each individual and were assessed using survival analysis. Imputation was repeated 100 times, and results were summarized by median values (2.5th-97.5th percentile range). RESULTS: Six years after treatment initiation, EFV plus AZT showed the highest cumulative resistance incidence (16%) of all regimens (<11%). Confounder-adjusted Cox regression confirmed that first-line EFV plus AZT (reference) was associated with a higher median hazard for resistance emergence, compared with other treatments: EFV plus TDF (hazard ratio [HR], 0.57; range, 0.42-0.76), LPV plus AZT (HR, 0.63; range, 0.45-0.89), LPV plus TDF (HR, 0.55; range, 0.33-0.83), ATZ/r plus TDF (HR, 0.43; range, 0.17-0.83). Two-thirds of resistance events were associated with detectable HIV RNA level ≤500 copies/mL during treatment, and only one-third with virological failure (HIV RNA level, >500 copies/mL). CONCLUSIONS: The inclusion of TDF instead of AZT and ATZ/r was correlated with lower rates of resistance emergence, most likely because of improved tolerability and pharmacokinetics resulting from a once-daily dosage.

How Answers on Political Attitudes are Shaped by Interviewers: Evidence from a Panel Survey

We analyze whether the interviewers' political opinions have an influence on those of the respondents. The research uses data from a panel survey in which interviewers are randomly assigned to respondents. The results show that the respondents express significantly similar opinions to those of the interviewers in all questions considered. Multilevel models show that more educated respondents are affected to a slightly higher extent and that the interviewer's experience is also a factor. There is no difference between different respondent subgroups or when both interviewers and respondents share the same socio-demographic characteristics. While there is no evidence for respondents wanting to please the interviewers, the hypothesis of socially desirable behavior can indeed be confirmed.