Politique fédérale des agglomérations dans les domaines des transports et de l'urbanisation

La croissance de la population, de l'économie et des transports individuels motorisés, particulièrement depuis la seconde moitié du 20ème siècle, ont notamment comme corollaire le développement urbanistique hors des frontières de la ville-centre et la formation des agglomérations. Ces zones urbaines sont stratégiques puisqu'elles accueillent une part toujours plus importante de la population et représentent le moteur de l'économie nationale. Toutefois, le développement des agglomérations et de la mobilité individuelle motorisée ne va pas sans poser de nombreux problèmes, dont la résolution nécessite de les aborder à l'échelle de l'agglomération, en coordonnant les transports et l'urbanisation. Notre système politique fédéral se définit notamment par une répartition des compétences dans une multitude de domaines entre les trois niveaux institutionnels de la Confédération, des cantons et des communes. Cette réalité est particulièrement vraie en matière d'aménagement du territoire. Il est à noter que les plus petites unités institutionnelles (les communes) conservent encore aujourd'hui des prérogatives importantes dans ce domaine. Au début des années 2000, la Confédération a développé une politique publique en faveur de ces zones stratégiques. Au moyen du fonds d'infrastructure, la politique fédérale des agglomérations dans les domaines des transports et de l'urbanisation est une politique publique incitative. Le dépôt, par les agglomérations, d'un projet respectant un cahier des charges précis et proposant des mesures de coordination entre les transports et l'urbanisation, permet d'obtenir un cofinancement fédéral du transport d'agglomération. Parmi les projets d'agglomération de première génération présentés à la Confédération, certains ont obtenu le cofinancement, d'autres pas. Le dimensionnement trop généreux des surfaces à bâtir fut notamment un facteur d'échec du projet d'agglomération de Fribourg, alors que la capacité à développer l'urbanisation à l'intérieur de l'agglomération fut un facteur de succès du projet Lausanne-Morges. L'analyse des projets d'agglomération Riviera et Monthey-Aigle, qui sont des projets de deuxième génération, confrontée à des entretiens avec des urbanistes et des responsables politiques, permet d'identifier leurs faiblesses et leurs atouts. Le projet d'agglomération Riviera présente une complémentarité des territoires et un grand potentiel de développement, mais aussi un manque de cohésion des partenaires du projet. Quant au projet Monthey-Aigle, il existe une réelle volonté politique de trouver des solutions aux conflits, mais les possibilités de développer les transports publics sont faibles. Dans le cadre de l'examen fédéral de ces deux projets d'agglomération, les éléments précités pourraient être des facteurs d'échec ou de succès. La politique publique fédérale invite les agglomérations à penser le développement de leurs transports et de leur urbanisation à un niveau global. La prise de hauteur et la coordination politique que cela suppose sont à même d'améliorer le lieu de vie des trois-quarts de la population suisse et de préserver le moteur de l'économie nationale. The growth of population, economy and personal motorised transportation, most particularly since the second half of the 20th century, has, as a consequence, induced an expansion of urban areas outside the borders of cities and encouraged the formation of urban agglomerations. These urban zones are of strategic importance as they attract an increasingly large population and represent a real driver of the national economy. However, the development of these agglomerations and the motorised mobility of their inhabitants cause numerous problems which require solutions to be adopted at the level of the agglomeration involving the interconnection of transport and urbanisation. Our federal political system is characterised by a distribution of responsibilities in many domains among the three institutional levels, namely the Confederation, the cantons and the communes. This is particularly the case of territorial developments. It should be noted that the smallest institutional units, the communes, still hold today important responsibilities in this area. At the beginning of the years 2000, the Confederation has developed a public policy in favour of these strategic zones. Through the establishment of an infrastructure fund, the federal policy in favour of urban agglomerations in the areas of transport and urbanisation aims at providing incentives to agglomerations. The submission by the agglomeration of a project containing a clear description of tasks and measures to integrate transport and urbanisation can result in a cofinancing participation by the Confederation in this project. Among the projects of first generation which had been submitted to the Confederation, some have received the cofinancing, others have not. The too generous dimension of the building areas in the project submitted by the agglomeration of Fribourg was a factor of its failure, while the capacity to develop urbanisation within the agglomeration was a factor of success for the Lausanne-Morges project. The analysis of the projects of the agglomerations Riviera and Monthey-Aigle which are projects of the second generation, as well as the interviews of urbanists and concerned officials have allowed us to identify their strengths and weaknesses. The Riviera project provides a complementary approach and a high potential of territorial developments, but at the same time denotes a lack of cohesion among partners of the project. With respect to the project Monthey-Aigle, there is a real political willingness to resolve conflicts, but the potential for the development of public transports is small. In the consideration by the Confederation of these two projects, the factors mentioned above may bring success or failure. The federal public policy incites the agglomerations to conceive the development of their transportation and urbanisation plans at a global level. The elevation of interests and the political coordination that this requires can improve the place of living of ¾ of the Swiss population and preserve the engine of growth of the national economy.

Network governance and the domestic adoption of soft rules

European regulatory networks (ERNs) are in charge of producing and disseminating non-bindings standards, guidelines and recommendations in a number of important domains, such as banking and finance, electricity and gas, telecommunications, and competition regulation. The goal of these soft rules is to promote 'best practices', achieve co-ordination among regulatory authorities and ensure the consistent application of harmonized pro-competition rules across Europe. This contribution examines the domestic adoption of the soft rules developed within the four main ERNs. Different factors are expected to influence the process of domestic adoption: the resources of regulators; the existence of a review panel; and the interdependence of the issues at stake. The empirical analysis supports hypotheses about the relevance of network-level factors: monitoring and public reporting procedures increase the final level of adoption, while soft rules concerning highly interdependent policy areas are adopted earlier.

Predictors of favourable outcome in first-episode patients who refuse medication: results from the FEPOS study

There are suggestions that some first-episode psychosis (FEP) patients can have favourable outcome without antipsychotic medication. However, there is very limited data regarding patients' characteristics on which the decision to propose medication free treatment could be based. FEPOS is a fi le-based study of an epidemiological sample of 704 FEP patients treated at EPPIC, Melbourne, between 1998 and 2000. Among the 661 patients where data was available, 108 consistently refused medication during the entire duration of their treatment at EPPIC. In this paper we compared, within this sub-group, patients who had a favourable outcome with those who did not. Patients were aged between 15 and 29 years (M = 21.9, SD = 3.40) and the majority were male (70.4%, n = 76). Symptomatic remission data was available on 105 patients; of these patients 41.0% (n = 41) had achieved remission. Functional remission data was available on 100 patients; of these patients 33.0% (n = 33) had achieved functional remission. Combined remission was evident in 23.0% (n = 23) of patients. Three factors were associated with symptomatic remission: better premorbid functioning (based on GAF, OR = 1.07, p = 0.006), higher number of years of education (OR = 1.43, p = 0.020), and being employed or studying at service entry (OR = 2.59, p = 0.034). Three factors were associated with functional remission: shorter duration of prodrome (OR = 0.50, p = 0.043), severity of psychopathology (CGI-S, OR = 0.51, p = 0.024), and vocational status at service entry (OR = 4.29, p = 0.003). While various aspects of pre-morbid functioning seem to correlate with the possibility of a favourable outcome in FEP patients who refuse medication, various limitations need to be taken into account in this study.

Innovative implementation by non-state actors in environment-related areas : towards a positive implementation gap ?

This contribution (presented in the first International Conference on Public Policy (ICPP) in Grenoble in June 2013) explores the phenomena of innovation in action ("innovative implementation"). To do so, we operationalize "innovative implementation" as a strategy by which (coalitions of) non-state actors seek to develop ad hoc solutions to address a given environmental issue, going beyond what is provided for in formal policy designs. Following an inductive research strategy, we elaborate a conceptual framework whose main advantage is to bring the actors and their coalition (in all their diversity) back in the analysis. More concretely, we state that perceiving implementation as broader 'social interaction processes' (De Boer & Bressers 2011) within which actors play strategic 'games' (Bardach 1977, Scharpf 1997) opens interesting lines of research to better account for their innovative and strategic behaviours. In a second step, we apply this framework to three strategies of innovative implementation in different contexts, and identify on this basis empirical regularities in the individual pathways related to the emergence and success (or failure) of these strategies.

Corporate political activity and firm outcomes: A meta-analysis

Using meta-analytic methods on a sample of 74 studies, we explore the links between CPA and public policy outcomes, and between CPA and firm outcomes. We find that CPA has at best a weak effect and that it appears to be better at maintaining public policy than changing them.

Asset freezing, corporate political resources and the Tullock paradox

In 1967, Gordon Tullock asked why firms do not spend more on campaign contributions, despite the large rents that could be generated from political activities. We suggest in this paper that part of the puzzle could come from the fact that one important type of political activity has been neglected by the literature which focuses on campaign contributions or political connections. We call this neglected activity "asset freezing": situations in which firms delay lay-offs or invest in specific technologies to support local politicians' re-election objectives. In doing so, firms bear a potentially significant cost as they do not use a portion of their economic assets in the most efficient or productive way. The purpose of this paper is to provide a first theoretical exploration of this phenomenon. Building on the literature on corporate political resources, we argue that a firm's economic assets can be evaluated based on their degree of "political freezability," which depends on the flexibility of their use and on their value for policy-makers. We then develop a simple model in which financial contributions and freezing assets are alternative options for a firm willing to lawfully influence public policy-making, and derive some of our initial hypotheses more formally.

Political market and regulatory uncertainty: Insights and implications for integrated strategy

Managers can craft effective integrated strategy by properly assessing regulatory uncertainty. Leveraging the existing political markets literature, we predict regulatory uncertainty from the novel interaction of demand and supply side rivalries across a range of political markets. We argue for two primary drivers of regulatory uncertainty: ideology-motivated interests opposed to the firm and a lack of competition for power among political actors supplying public policy. We align three, previously disparate dimensions of nonmarket strategy - profile level, coalition breadth, and pivotal target - to levels of regulatory uncertainty. Through this framework, we demonstrate how and when firms employ different nonmarket strategies. To illustrate variation in nonmarket strategy across levels of regulatory uncertainty, we analyze several market entry decisions of foreign firms operating in the global telecommunications sector.

Sciences et technologies émergentes : pourquoi tant de promesses?

Les technosciences (numériques, bio- et nanotechnologies, neurosciences, médecine personnalisée, biologie de synthèse) sont accompagnées de promesses fabuleuses à l'attention du public et des décideurs. L'économie des promesses qui en résulte affecte le régime de financement de la recherche et la gouvernance du changement sociotechnique. Elle crée de l'engouement, soutient la compétition scientifique, attire des ressources financières et légitime d'importantes dépenses publiques. Cet ouvrage met en évidence les cycles accélérés d'enthousiasme et de désillusion, les décalages entre horizons d'attente et les questions démocratiques qu'ils soulèvent. Fondé sur des recherches de terrain relevant de l'étude sociale des sciences et des techniques, de la philosophie et de l'histoire, il examine les formes alternatives d'organisation de la recherche, de participation citoyenne et de répartition des droits de propriété et des bénéfices, et montre qu'une forme de ralentissement des promesses, non des sciences, favoriserait l'articulation de ces dernières avec les besoins de la société. L'ambition des textes réunis ici est d'ouvrir le débat en langue française en interrogeant directement le régime des promesses technoscientifiques.

How Party Linkages Shape Austerity Politics: Clientelism and Fiscal Adjustment in Greece and Portugal during the Eurozone Crisis

Drawing on an analysis of austerity reforms in Greece and Portugal during the sovereign debt crisis from 2009 onwards, we show how the nature of the linkages between parties and citizens shapes party strategies of fiscal retrenchment. We argue that parties which rely to a greater extent on the selective distribution of state resources to mobilize electoral support (clientelistic linkages) are more reluctant to agree to fiscal retrenchment because their own electoral survival depends on their ability to control state budgets to reward clients. In Greece, where parties relied extensively on these clientelistic linkages, austerity reforms have been characterized by recurring conflicts and disagreements between the main parties, as well as a fundamental transformation of the party system. By contrast, in Portugal, where parties relied less on clientelistic strategies, austerity reforms have been more consensual because fiscal retrenchment challenged to a lesser extent the electoral base of the mainstream parties.

Differences in pandemic influenza vaccination policies for pregnant women in Europe.

BACKGROUND: An important component of the policy to deal with the H1N1 pandemic in 2009 was to develop and implement vaccination. Since pregnant women were found to be at particular risk of severe morbidity and mortality, the World Health Organization and the European Centers for Disease Control advised vaccinating pregnant women, regardless of trimester of pregnancy. This study reports a survey of vaccination policies for pregnant women in European countries. METHODS: Questionnaires were sent to European competent authorities of 27 countries via the European Medicines Agency and to leaders of registries of European Surveillance of Congenital Anomalies in 21 countries. RESULTS: Replies were received for 24 out of 32 European countries of which 20 had an official pandemic vaccination policy. These 20 countries all had a policy targeting pregnant women. For two of the four countries without official pandemic vaccination policies, some vaccination of pregnant women took place. In 12 out of 20 countries the policy was to vaccinate only second and third trimester pregnant women and in 8 out of 20 countries the policy was to vaccinate pregnant women regardless of trimester of pregnancy. Seven different vaccines were used for pregnant women, of which four contained adjuvants. Few countries had mechanisms to monitor the number of vaccinations given specifically to pregnant women over time. Vaccination uptake varied. CONCLUSIONS: Differences in pandemic vaccination policy and practice might relate to variation in perception of vaccine efficacy and safety, operational issues related to vaccine manufacturing and procurement, and vaccination campaign systems. Increased monitoring of pandemic influenza vaccine coverage of pregnant women is recommended to enable evaluation of the vaccine safety in pregnancy and pandemic vaccination campaign effectiveness.

Institutional legacies, employment and professional integration of non EU/EEA doctors in France

Internationally, policies for attracting highly-skilled migrants have become the guidelines mainly used by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries. Governments are implementing specific procedures to capture and facilitate their mobility. However, all professions are not equal when it comes to welcoming highly-skilled migrants. The medical profession, as a protective market, is one of these. Taking the case of non-EU/EEA doctors in France, this paper shows that the medical profession defined as the closed labour market, remains the most controversial in terms of professional integration of migrants, protectionist barriers to migrant competition and challenge of medical shortage. Based on the path-dependency approach, this paper argues that non-EU/EEA doctors' issues in France derive from a complex historical process of interaction between standards settled in the past, particularly the historical power of medical corporatism, the unexpected long-term effects of French hospital reforms of 1958, and budgetary pressures. Theoretically, this paper shows two significant findings. Firstly, the French medical system has undergone a series of transformations unthinkable in the strict sense of a path-dependence approach: an opening of the medical profession to foreign physicians in the context of the Europeanisation of public policy, acceptance of non-EU/EEA doctors in a context of medical shortage and budgetary pressures. Secondly, there is no change of the overall paradigm: significantly, the recruitment policies of non-EU/EEA doctors continue to highlight the imprint of the past and reveal a significant persistence of prejudices. Non-EU/EEA doctors are not considered legitimate doctors even if they have the qualifications of physicians which are legitimate in their country and which can be recognised in other receiving countries.

Is Transnational Private Regulation Potentially an Effective Means of Promoting Collective Industrial Relations?

This paper asks whether collective industrial relations can be promoted by means other than seeking change in public policy. Recent research points to the increasing significance of transnational private regulation (TPR) in developing economies. There is an emerging consensus that market incentives to improve wages and conditions of work can have a modest positive effect on measurable outcomes like hours of work, and health and safety. However, it appears that TPR has little impact on the capacity of workers to pursue such improvements for themselves via collective action. The paper takes a closer look at the potential of TPR to enhance worker voice and participation. It argues that this potential cannot be properly evaluated without understanding how local actors mobilise the social and political resources that TPR provides. The case studies presented show how different TPR schemes have been used by unions in Africa as a means to pursue the interests of members. The authors found that the scale of the impact of TPR in all of the contexts studied depended almost entirely on the existing capacities and resources of the unions involved. TPR led to the creation of collective industrial relations processes, or helped unions to ensure that certain enterprises participated in existing industrial relations processes, but did virtually nothing to enhance the political and organisational capacity of the unions to influence the outcomes of those processes in terms of wages and conditions of employment. The paper concludes that the potential of TPR to promote the emergence of collective industrial relations systems is very low.